Hungry for Truth, Peace and Justice

In Rwanda, the systemic expropriation without compensation and the hunt down of victims of such an unspeakable injustice is exposed: a covert imperialistic-colonialist project aimed to exterminate the Hutu people in Rwanda, Burundi, and the DRC.

Land Expropriation in Rwanda

Indeed, it's an apocalypse! October 1, 1990, the Ugandan army (NRA/NRM), disguised as RPA/RPF-Inkotanyi, invaded Rwanda. Four years later, they overthrew the Rwandan Government and installed an unprecedented bloodthirsty dictatorship. 

From then on, private property no longer exists in Rwanda. The people who occupied fertile lands or lands of tourist or strategic interest (important districts of Kigali, areas bordering lakes, volcanoes, river plains, and areas surrounding parks) were the first victims of this armed violence. The RPF-Inkotanyi exterminated these innocent people and occupied their lands or gave the lands to its western backers who had financed its war (primarily the United States and Qatar). The inhabitants of these areas were exterminated, and the survivors were hunted down to their last refuge under the indifferent gaze of the so-called international community.

What astonishes the uninformed observers is how the United States and its allies applaud and exalt Paul Kagame and Yoweri Museveni, their agents/death squads in Africa. But this is not surprising. What is rather astonishing is that the Hutus and other oppressed African peoples continue to support these regimes, the regimes that the Western elite have groomed to exterminate African peoples in order to occupy their lands. What is even more astonishing is that the governments of African countries that have not yet tasted the wickedness of Kagame and Museveni support them in their machinations. These blind African leaders are unaware that they too are the next targets of these predators who have already drunk the blood of several elected presidents still in office and more than thirty million Africans: Congolese, Rwandans, Ugandans, Tanzanians, Burundians, Sudanese, Mozambicans, etc.

We would like to request that a coalition of African armies be established to remove Kagame and Museveni, governors on behalf of the United States and its allies, respectively in Rwanda and Uganda. We can no longer wait. The blood of thirty million Africans cries out for vengeance. We no longer want to be homeless, landless wanderers. The Rwandan Republic must be reinstated as this was the case in 1962. This Kalinga drum, which is stripping the people of their lands, can no longer lead the country. This bloodthirsty and thieving RPF regime must be driven out from power by any legal means. It is a matter of life or death for all Africans.

My fellow Africans, if you refuse to help the Rwandan people (Hutu, Tutsi, and Twa) who were living in Rwanda before the 1994 genocide, you will one day regret it. The Kagame/ Museveni regime is a killing machine that the United States and its allies have deployed in Africa to conquer African lands after exterminating Africans. No country will be spared. Sooner or later, this killing machine will reach every Sub-Saharan African country.

posted by Mamadou Kouyate @ 7:35 PM 0 Comments

The Balkanization of the DRC is approaching. The diversionary tactic is about to succeed. Wake up Mzalendo, wake up Congolese citizens, wake up Pan-Africanists!

Carving the Kivus out of the DRC

By Tuzisubiza Gakondo
Kigali, Rwanda
HTPJ Blog Contributor
July 5, 2026

With the exception of the uninformed observer, everyone knows the cunning of American imperialists and Westerners in general. 

They have become masters in the art of ideological and military manipulation. Their modus operandi essentially relies on diversion. When their enemy gains the upper hand on the battlefield, they impose the terms of negotiations, which they never apply against their own interests. Their favorite expressions are "neutral zone" in terms of space and "ultimatum" in terms of time.

Regarding personnel, they call upon UN peacekeepers when they cannot mobilize other allies fulfilling the same function. Among the other means employed in this diversionary tactic are sanctions against the party that does not respect the agreements. Everything we've just discussed is a diversionary tactic: negotiations and the signing of agreements, ultimatums, sanctions, UN peacekeepers, neutral zones, or buffer zones… They're playing these cards in the hope of seizing the opportunity to decapitate their enemy (by assassinating the president).
All of the DRC's misfortunes seem to flow through Kampala. But this Museveni claims to be helping the DRC in the fight against the terrorists he himself exports to Congo. This deadly game must end.

The DRC must therefore wake up and not be fooled by this diversion: negotiations, agreements, UN peacekeepers (MONUSCO, present in the country for a quarter of a century and sowing chaos; Goma has fallen, Bukavu has fallen… Hutus exterminated). The United States will never abandon its army, currently called the RDF in Rwanda, the M23 in eastern Congo, and the Tabara Network (which attacks Burundi). Certainly, the United States can replace its governor, Kagame, with the one who best serves its interests. But they cannot abandon the RPF-Inkotanyi and its allies.

What Rwanda has experienced since October 1, 1990, clearly illustrates this modus operandi of the United States, which we call a diversionary tactic. The objective was to eliminate the presidents of Rwanda and Burundi and sow chaos in the region in order to gain the upper hand. They succeeded perfectly in Rwanda. But they haven't yet succeeded in Burundi. That's why Burundi is currently in the crosshairs of the United States and its allies. From Rwanda, which they hold in their grasp, they want to conquer all of Africa. This is no joke. It's serious. Especially since other countries (Kenya, Uganda, South Sudan, etc.) are already aligned with Rwanda in this proxy war waged by the United States against the Democratic Republic of Congo and its allies. It must be said that Uganda is a special case.

posted by Mamadou Kouyate @ 7:25 PM 0 Comments

Did you know? The Apartheid system is raging in the Great Lakes region of Africa under the patronage of Museveni and his Western Masters.

Racism, or any form of segregation or discrimination, is a disease that will affect humanity until the end of time. There is not a single country in the world that does not experience a high or moderate level of racism or segregation. Even today, we can safely say that the situation remains the same. There is no country in the world without implicit or explicit segregation. Even the smallest state in the world, which I will not name, is still racist. But so far, two countries have been the only ones in history to openly and shamelessly include racism in their written laws. These countries are the United States of America (USA) and South Africa (RSA).

However, these cursed laws could not remain in force, because African Americans, Black South Africans and other oppressed races rose up against them, they fought by denouncing and using all means of self-defense at their disposal, until these cruel, shameful and despicable laws were repealed. For example, this movement of legitimate and courageous protest took place in America where Martin Luther King played such an important role that the enemies of freedom assassinated him on April 4, 1968. It should be noted that his family is still unhappy with the outcome of the trial that followed this vile and ignoble act.

Furthermore, regarding the abolition of these ungodly laws, some people summarize it in these words: "On July 2, President Lyndon B. Johnson signed Law 115, the first law in history that required the business sector to cease all discrimination in public and private housing, (private) restaurants, hotels and stores, and school workplaces." The enactment of this law was certainly a great step, because the apartheid law was a disgrace to "the Greatest Democracy in the world." Indeed, there is no greater infamy than issuing decrees that discriminate against human beings whom God created with freedom and responsibility.

However, the de jure dissolution of racial discrimination did not prevent it from continuing de facto. Those who claim to be above the law still persist in their extremist actions to this day. However, they forget that, on the one hand, apartheid law humiliated Black victims, but on the other, it exposed the barbarity of the white executioners. This infamous law constituted both a mortal danger for the victims and a disgrace for the executioners.

As for South Africa, in 1992, it was Nelson Mandela who initiated negotiations with the white apartheid government, which had already understood that it was impossible to prevent this change. In 1994, this cruel and brutal regime was de jure defeated when Nelson Mandela was elected to lead a new South Africa that recognized and fought for the rights of Black people and all other peoples of the country. It should be noted that the outcome of the negotiations did not satisfy all South Africans, as fertile land and economically strategic locations remained in the hands of the white minority. 1. What was the policy of white apartheid in South Africa?

Here's what we're told about it:

The system of apartheid was legalized in 1948, but it had been widely practiced long before that year. However, it gained particular traction when the National Party led by Pastor Daniel F. Malan won the presidential election in 1948. From then on, this cursed policy became increasingly powerful, and they gave it the name apartheid. The implementation of apartheid, often referred to as "backward progress" from the 1960s onwards, was made possible by the 1950 Census Act, which classified all South Africans into four classes according to their skin colour: the top class was made up of whites of European descent, the second tier was mulatto (born to one black and one white parent), the third tier was made up of Asians (Indians, Pakistanis) and the last tier was made up of black Africans.

One of the most important laws under the apartheid system was the Groups Act of 1950. It established residential and commercial divisions in cities for each class, and people of other races (Blacks, Asians) were prohibited from engaging in business, labor, or owning land. White groups expelled thousands of people of color, Blacks, and Indians from white-occupied areas. The apartheid system sought to cede 80 percent of South Africa's land to a few whites. To enforce racial segregation and prevent Blacks from entering white areas, the government enforced the Passport Act, which allowed travel from one area to another as if they were two different countries. The "pass" required non-whites to carry documents allowing them to enter restricted areas. After winning the election, Malan's government enacted laws that openly discriminated against individuals based on skin color, creating a state-imposed caste registry.

In 1949, another law banned interracial marriage and criminalized interracial sex.
A law passed in 1951 designated certain urban areas where only whites could live, forcing non-whites to move elsewhere. This law aimed to keep as many Black people as possible in the countryside and to keep them in the lowest poverty class and prevent them from reaching the upper class in the cities. Black residents were also prohibited for any reason from purchasing real estate in the main city districts. Black people were marginalized in every way possible to ensure that the country was systematically dominated by whites.

2. The resurgence of Black unhappiness. Starting in 1954, these cursed laws were further strengthened by Johannes Gerhardus Strijdom, who succeeded Daniel François Malan. Here's how these impious laws were radicalized: Blacks could not be given government positions and could not vote, except in a few elections at the lowest level.

Blacks were forbidden to work and start businesses or to work in areas designated for whites. Anyone who violated this law was to be punished with imprisonment. Furthermore, Blacks could only engage in such activities in areas they called "bantustans," areas of poverty and exclusion reserved for the lowest caste.

Public transportation was provided separately, including trains, buses, planes, and city taxis. Blacks were not allowed to enter areas designated for white residents unless they had a pass issued by the police. Whites also had to carry a pass to enter areas designated for Blacks. This was so that these laws would protect those who defended them from the abuses of those who despised them.

Public buildings, such as the courthouse or the post office, had separate entrances for whites and blacks. Similarly, if people of both races "necessarily" encountered each other in a queue, whites were the first to enter, and their needs were met before blacks.
On July 16, 1976, one of the atrocities committed by apartheid that will not be forgotten in history took place. It was the shooting of the Soweto children who had been protesting since April 30 of that year. When the children threw stones at the police, they responded by firing live ammunition. 566 children were killed by the apartheid police. The protest was specifically provoked by the government's desire that the Afrikaans language of Dutch nationals be used in all schools. The protesting children declared that freedom (independence) is better than school education.

3. Governments Complicit in the White Apartheid System.

The first countries to play a significant role in establishing and maintaining the apartheid system were those with the largest number of settler nationals: these countries were primarily Holland and the United Kingdom. But there were also France, Belgium, Ireland, Portugal, Germany, and Lithuania (whose settler nationals were Jewish). There is no doubt that each of these countries, which had settler nationals, supported apartheid to some extent. But it was primarily the United States of America that supported the apartheid government under the guise of fighting communism. Most, if not all, of the rebel groups that destabilized Africa before 1994 were linked to the apartheid government and its sponsors. It is not surprising that a variant of apartheid took hold in the countries where the rebel groups it formed seized power. The states created through this process did not bring peace to their neighbors. They perpetuated the destabilizing work of the apartheid government, which was always at war with its neighbors. Angola and Mozambique are prime examples of the belligerent work of the apartheid state.

Besides the United States of America, another country that strongly supported apartheid was Israel. This would come as no surprise, as Israel is a right-hand man of the United States of America.

There are also African countries whose leaders refused to separate themselves from their Western masters and agreed to support apartheid even though they denied it. These countries are Mobutu's Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of Congo), Ghana, Malawi, Botswana, Liberia, Madagascar, and Côte d'Ivoire. There are also two Latin American countries that were under US-backed dictatorships that supported apartheid. Chile and Brazil supported the apartheid regime to oppress Black people. On the other hand, Cuba was at the forefront of the fight against apartheid, as it sent troops to Angola, which was the first African country to be continuously at war with the apartheid government. Cuba obviously worked closely with the USSR (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics).

4. After the rain, comes the sunshine. Apartheid law is no longer in effect in South Africa. The Anti-Apartheid Agreement was signed by Frederik de Klerk and Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela. Their negotiations repealed these ungodly laws. These talks began on February 2, 1990. On February 11, 1990, political prisoners were released, including Mandela himself, who had been imprisoned since July 1963 (he had been in prison for almost 27 years!). In 1993, they were able to agree on a draft constitution. On April 27 and 29, 1994, general elections were held with the first participation of Black people as voters and candidates. Nelson Mandela's ANC party won, and Mandela thus became the first president of South Africa without de jure apartheid. But apartheid supporters are still in South Africa, dominating and controlling certain areas of the country that are still de facto off-limits to Black people. They control the country's economy because the negotiations between Mandela and Frederik de Klerk disadvantaged Black people, some of whom believe Mandela misled or even betrayed them by allowing whites to keep all the property they had confiscated from Black people through cannon fire. We hope that in the future this economic system, which left whites with the lion's share, will disappear.

5. Let us ask ourselves some fundamental questions about the current situation of apartheid in Africa.

What does the history of apartheid in South Africa have in common with the history of Rwanda since 1990? Why, when apartheid was ending, did those who supported it attack Rwanda through the Ugandan army, dubbed the RPF Inkotanyi, in this operation? Don't you see that Uganda and defeated Rwanda have inherited the tyrannical and expansionist spirit of South African apartheid to disrupt the peace of their people and their neighbors, indeed of all Africans?

Let us look at some of the similarities between apartheid in South Africa and the government of Rwanda from July 19, 1994 until today:

a. It is a regime established by force of arms with the active participation of Western countries.
b. It is a regime supported by the United States of America and its allies, particularly those in the Western world.

c. It is an unpopular government because it is bloodthirsty, thieving, and destructive.

d. It is a government that classifies people into different categories according to their wealth (this system of ethnic and economic segregation was called "ubudehe").

e. It is a government that gives land to whites and expels blacks with the support of the United States and its allies, who want to send their recalcitrant nationals and illegal immigrants to Rwanda without money or useful studies.

f. It is a regime that does not tolerate those who oppose it and threatens to shoot them, as was the case in Soweto.

g. This is a government that has destroyed homes and farms and created new regions and provinces according to its interests.

h. It is a government that targets a majority of the population so that there are institutions or areas they cannot access. I am talking specifically about the Hutus, but also about the Tutsis who lived in Rwanda before 1994 and who do not collaborate with this bloody regime that the Western Elite uses to exterminate populations they do not want in Africa.

i. It is a government that prioritizes the interests of the white man so that citizens who are not part of its ideological stronghold become foreigners in their own country. These targeted populations have no rights, neither to private property nor to the presumption of innocence, nor to subsistence. They can be stripped of their property and their lives without consequence. It is, in fact, a system of slavery in the guise of a republic.

j. It is an expansionist government always at war, directly or by proxy, against the Black people of Africa under the aegis of the Western Elite. The most targeted by this bloodthirsty regime are the Hutus of Uganda (the Luwero genocide), Burundi, Rwanda, the DRC, not to mention all the Hutus scattered throughout the world, where this regime sends death squads to hunt them from its embassies or from the contingents participating in the supposed UN peacekeeping missions.

Conclusion.

The apartheid practiced in South Africa has already been defeated de jure and has moved to Rwanda as a survival strategy. This apartheid, overseen by General Museveni of the NRA and controlled by the Western Elite and led by a group of Tutsis, is subtle because it does not make laws that openly discriminate.

On the contrary, it undermines the laws, highlighting unwritten instructions that come from leaders who came from Uganda and Burundi in 1994 to gradually restore the Tutsi monarchy and the Hima empire. The members of this group work in collusion with the Western elite, which gives them the means and the directives. This white elite that controls the country reminds us of the white minority that ruled South Africa and still dominates its economy.

But the apartheid practiced in Rwanda is worse because it hides in hypocrisy and the appearance of well-made laws to steal, slaughter, and kill. This apartheid far surpasses apartheid governed by written law, because this Tutsi apartheid of Rwanda is governed by barbarism, and it is worse than all the other systems that preceded it.

Let the whole world know this, rise up and fight to combat this perilous system. The survival of African states is at stake, because this Tutsi apartheid regime in Rwanda constitutes a real threat to all African states, just as before 1994 the apartheid government of South Africa constituted a real and potential threat to every African state.

posted by Mamadou Kouyate @ 7:12 PM 0 Comments

S.O.S.! The RPF-Inkotanyi wants to exterminate all Hutus!

Akandoyi/Agafuni

By Tuzisubiza Gakondo
HTPJ Blog Contributor
Kigali, Rwanda
July 5, 2026

Governments of the World, Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs), please listen to the voice of the Hutu people who are desperately groaning under the yoke of the totalitarian and bloodthirsty regime of the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF)-Inkotanyi, a beloved son and loyal servant of General Yoweri Kaguta Museveni and his Western Masters.
Organize an independent and effective international investigation to identify the masterminds behind the 1994 genocide in Rwanda.
We are not naive. We know the truth because we were victims ourselves. We ask you to acknowledge this truth and deliver justice.
Please stop this extermination. Now is the time.

Dear governments and NGOs, for over thirty years the Hutu people in Rwanda have been suffering atrocities and summary executions at the hands of the RPF-Inkotanyi, with the complicit silence or even complicity of many governments and NGOs. Many of them act this way due to a lack of information, others do it due to manipulations /deceiving tactics by the RPF-Inkotanyi. Still others remain silent out of intimidation. Indeed, the RPF skillfully wields these deadly weapons, which precede, accompany, and protect its plan to conquer, maintain, and preserve the power it has seized by writing history, not with a pen, but with a Kalashnikov.

Dear governments and NGOs, we feel unjustly condemned to death without trial. We feel that the extermination of the Hutu people was decided upon by a government or a powerful NGO, which entrusted this macabre mission to the RPF. The RPF has been carrying out its mission admirably since October 1, 1990. The RPF, which calls itself a "killing machine" and uses the lion as its symbol, has exterminated the Hutus since October 1, 1990, without being condemned or tried by any court, government, or NGO. It must be said that the Tutsis who refused to follow its bloody plan suffered, and continue to suffer, the same fate as the Hutus.

To carry out its diabolical plan, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) instigated a genocide in Rwanda. The first victims of this genocide were the high-ranking officials of Rwanda and Burundi, primarily from the Hutu ethnic group. Witnesses claim that this attack was perpetrated by the RPF itself, which sought to cause widespread massacres to gain political leverage - its obsession. No international investigation has been conducted to refute these witnesses. No one has prevented the RPF from organizing such an investigation. In any case, when a crime is committed, the beneficiary of that crime is normally the first presumed culprit. Undoubtedly, the RPF is the sole beneficiary of this cowardly and despicable act. Undoubtedly, the RPF-Inkotanyi is the prime suspect in this attack until proven otherwise, which only an independent international investigation can provide. It is not only the attack on the plane that necessitates an international inquiry. The massacres that followed this attack and continue to this day also require an international investigation. The version imposed on international opinion is that of the victors, the RPF-Inkotanyi, whose principal ideologue famously claims that one cannot eat an omelet without first breaking the eggs. This version of the RPF-Inkotanyi brandishes its innocence and condemns the guilt of every Hutu, living or dead, baby or old person; all are considered genocidaires by the RP- Inkotanyi regime. This regime has managed to convince international opinion by any means necessary. From now on, the RPF-Inkotanyi has received the credentials to hunt down and kill all Hutus wherever they may be found under the sun. When the RPF-Inkotanyi massacres Hutu babies, no one reacts internationally because it claims to be fighting genocidaires. Those it massacred before 1994 in the regions it occupied in northern Rwanda are also included in the same category. This blatant injustice perpetrated against Hutus by the RPF has never spared some Tutsis who want to speak out in favor of the Hutus. But the RPF uses the massacre of Tutsis as a bridge to the banks of the river to massacre Hutus.

The history of the hunt for Hutus, now considered genocidal by the RPF, reached an even more intolerable level in 1996, 1997, and 1998 in the forests of Congo (formerly Zaire). At that time, the RPF hunted down Hutu refugees—children, women, and the elderly alike. The UNHCR, along with many NGOs and governments, supported this extermination. The RPF-Inkotanyi massacred and continues to massacre Hutu refugees in Congo. But it has not spared those in Rwanda or other countries.

The RPF-Inkotanyi is an expert in torture. Only God knows the suffering it inflicts on its victims in official prisons, secret detention centers, and transit camps. Hutus are being subjected to deadly and continuous torture in a systematic and ongoing manner, with the blessing of certain NGOs and governments that continue to support this bloody regime, unprecedented in its history. Indeed, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) has established a totalitarian and bloodthirsty regime, an apartheid system that marginalizes Hutus. To deceive governments and NGOs, it incorporates certain Hutu puppets into the system after brainwashing them and molding them into its killing machine.

Dear governments and NGOs, show that you are not complicit with this regime by condemning its macabre plan to exterminate Hutus wherever they may be in the world.

Organize an international investigation to determine and prosecute the responsibility of the RPF-Inkotanyi in the extermination of Hutus and Tutsis who lived in Rwanda before 1994.

We ask you to allow justice to punish those identified in the Mapping Report and to ensure political consequences, because a leader who massacres his people deserves the sanctions prescribed by international law and can no longer receive the honors of the red carpet and fanfare.

We ask that the UNHCR recognize the rights of Hutu refugees scattered throughout African countries and other countries around the world. It is a scandalous injustice to allow these people to languish in poverty only to force them to return to Rwanda to be tortured and executed.

The word "genocidaire," so dear to the RPF-Inkotanyi government, must no longer be used indiscriminately to refer to Hutus. This language is unjust, and those who use it abusively and in bad faith should be denounced and brought to justice. Rhetorically condemning an entire ethnic group as genocidal constitutes a crime that surpasses even genocide itself. Indeed, who would dare call all Germans genocidaires? This is the crime of grand manipulation that the RPF-Inkotanyi has committed and continues to commit against the Hutus. Unfortunately, many governments and NGOs have fallen into its insidious trap or are complicit in this conspiracy.

The time has therefore come to correct these errors and bring justice to the Hutus who have been massacred by the RPF-Inkotanyi since 1990 and who are still threatened with extermination by this apartheid regime that calls itself Tutsi.

Dear governments and NGOs,

Help! This is urgent! The RPF-Inkotanyi wants to finalize the extermination of the Hutus that began on October 1, 1990.

The RPF-Inkotanyi is exterminating the Hutus and Tutsis who lived in Rwanda before 1994, as well as their descendants, and completing this bloody work. The RPF-Inkotanyi is also killing Hutus who have taken refuge in other countries. The RPF-Inkotanyi is killing Hutus in their own countries, such as Congo and Burundi.

posted by Mamadou Kouyate @ 6:52 PM 0 Comments

The UN and the Western Elite are complicit in the systematic extermination of the Hutu people in Rwanda and the DRC.

For more than 30 years we have warned the entire world about such a tragedy but in vain. We can therefore conclude with certainty that the UN and the Western Elite have jointly decided to exterminate the Hutu people in Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC).

Indeed, the systematic and selective massacre of Hutus taking place in eastern Congo would not be possible without the complicity of MONUSCO (United Nations Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo), which is still present in this region. In fact, the Rwandan and Ugandan armies, as well as those of other allied countries, are systematically exterminating the Hutus still present in this area, while governments, the UN, and NGOs remain maliciously and culpably silent. The saddest thing is that what is happening today is a repeat of what happened in 1996, 1997, and 1998. Let us remember that at that time, the Ugandan army (under Museveni), the Rwandan army (the RPF-Inkotanyi), and the Burundian army (under Buyoya) invaded Hutu refugee camps in Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of Congo) and massacred everyone they reached, forcing others to return to Rwanda as hostages against their will. Today, in 2025, the Rwandan and Ugandan armies and their allies are back in Congo to annihilate the survivors of 1996 and their descendants. This extermination is being carried out in collusion with MONUSCO, which is monitoring the event with its radar and satellites.

In fact, Hutus have been condemned to death since 1960, when the UN ordered the release of many criminals from the Kalinga regime who had murdered numerous Hutus. This general amnesty constitutes a blatant injustice perpetrated by the UN against the Hutus of Rwanda. Furthermore, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda was a complete defeat for justice. Only Hutus were tried. The criminals of the RPF-Inkotanyi still enjoy complete freedom after having exterminated Hutus from 1986 to the present day. All of this demonstrates that the UN cannot act as an arbiter in these matters, as it supports the plan to exterminate the Hutus.

That is why we no longer ask anything of the UN or the Western elite.

We reject and denounce their macabre plan because we want to live. And we will live despite their diabolical plan. Sibomana (They are not God). May all Hutus awaken and fight for their survival. The Almighty God will help us.

posted by Mamadou Kouyate @ 6:40 PM 0 Comments

Le Mémorial de Paris et les questions qu'il soulève.

Mémorial de Paris

L’histoire est toujours juste ; le temps jugera les faits.

Ce que je peux dire, c’est qu’il est tout à fait juste de se souvenir des innocentes victimes du génocide et de faire en sorte que l’histoire de ce qui s’est passé ne soit pas effacée.

Cependant, certaines questions se posent :

Commémorer les victimes du génocide en présence de Paul Kagame, alors que son régime a envoyé certains rescapés du génocide en prison injustement et en a assassiné d’autres.

Les exemples sont nombreux

Si l’on demandait à Kagame les noms de plusieurs de ces survivants, où ils se trouvent et pour quelles raisons ils ont été persécutés, que répondrait-il?

En voici quelques-uns :

1. Rwigara Assinapol

2. Kizito Mihigo

3. Thadey Muyenzi

4. Venuste Rwabukamba

5. Christian Maniriho

6. Padiri Dominique Karekezi

7. Richard Mazimpaka

8. John Ndagijimana

9. Jean-Paul Mwiseneza

10. Anicet Kanamugire

11. Jean Bosco Namahoro

12. Christine Iribagiza

13. Niyomugabo Gerard Nyamihirwa

14. Gustave Makonene

15. Aimé Ntabana

16. John Ndagijimana

17. John Muhinda

18. Virginie Nyiraneza

19. Immaculée Mukaruzima

20. Elizaphan Nyemazi

21. Ntamuhanga Cassien

22. Aimable Karasira Uzaramba

23. Milimo Gaspard

24. Ndasingwa Landouard Lando

25. Myasiro Mathias

26. Seburikoko

27. Ruzibiza Abdul Joshua

Sans oublier des centaines de jeunes Tutsi du Rwanda qui fuyaient les massacres des Interahamwe du MRND et des Techniciens du FPR dans les zones conquises et contrôlées par les Inkotanyi de Paul Kagame.

Malheureusement, ces jeunes Tutsi et Hutu furent tués par le DMI du Général Kayumba Nyamwasa et de James Kabarebe (système AGAFUNI).

Selon des observateurs avertis, de nombreuses autres victimes réclament encore aujourd’hui une justice équitable.

Pour certains critiques, le mémorial de Paris ne constitue pas uniquement un lieu de mémoire destiné aux victimes. Ils estiment qu’il s’inscrit également dans des logiques politiques, diplomatiques et économiques dépassant la seule dimension mémorielle.

Ces critiques considèrent que certaines questions fondamentales demeurent insuffisamment abordées :

• Qui furent les auteurs des violences?

• Qui furent les victimes ?

• Quelle communauté a subi les pertes les plus importantes ?

• Quel fut le rôle du Front patriotique rwandais (FPR) dans le conflit ?

• Quel fut celui des Forces armées rwandaises (FAR)?

• Quels événements ont précédé et accompagné la guerre déclenchée le 1er octobre 1990?

Une contestation du récit historique dominant

Cette histoire a été écrite par l'armée ougandaise de Yoweri Kaguta Museveni Tubuhaburwa Jjaja, sur ordre et dans l'intérêt de ses patrons, le grand Empire britannique et ses alliés.

La guerre d’octobre visait l'extermination des peuples bantous d'Afrique afin de conquérir leurs terres et d'y établir un nouvel État d’Israël, comme l'avait prévu le président Theodor Herzl, fondateur du sionisme, avant sa mort en 1904.

Selon cette lecture de l’histoire, le récit généralement admis a été largement influencé par les vainqueurs du conflit.

Les défenseurs de cette thèse considèrent que certains aspects de l’histoire du Rwanda, notamment les événements de 1959, la guerre commencée en 1990 et les violences ayant touché diverses communautés, mériteraient un examen plus approfondi à partir des archives, témoignages et documents historiques disponibles.

Ils estiment que la mémoire collective devrait intégrer toutes les victimes et permettre un débat ouvert sur les responsabilités de l’ensemble des acteurs impliqués.

Ce que font certaines autorités françaises avec le gouvernement de Paul Kagame est, selon eux, une conspiration criminelle visant la culpabilisation des Hutus comme ethnie criminelle et la victimisation de tous les Tutsis comme ethnie victime, y compris les criminels connus, les agresseurs de l’armée ougandaise, y compris le général Paul Kagame, sans oublier les auteurs et planificateurs de cette guerre d’extermination du peuple bantou africain.

Le roi Kigeli V Ndahindurwa et son groupe d’extrémistes tutsis, INDATWA, ainsi que leurs groupes terroristes appelés « armée royale », ont planifié et perpétré des massacres dans tout le pays, tuant les dirigeants et les membres de la communauté hutu qui souhaitaient un changement pacifique et revendiquaient que le peuple hutu ait les mêmes droits que le peuple tutsi.

Un mouvement de résistance hutu contre l'esclavage et la servitude des Tutsis a été organisé pour défendre le bas peuple. La milice du roi Kigeli a tué de nombreux Hutus, dont Kanyaruka François, un commerçant de Butare qui avait fui avec sa famille à Ngozi, au Burundi. Le 11 novembre 1959, il fut tué en même temps qu’un Burundais, Renzaho, qui l’hébergeait.

Leurs femmes et leurs enfants ont été arrêtés et amenés au Rwanda comme otages. Ils furent emmenés au palais du roi Kigeli, à Rukali, dans le territoire de Nyanza, le 12 novembre 1959. Ils n’ont jamais été revus.

Après les massacres visant à éliminer les dirigeants hutus et les personnes qui voulaient se débarrasser du servage et du clientélisme tout en revendiquant l'indépendance, la Belgique et l'ONU ont organisé un film intitulé Justice pour les massacres de 1959.

La cour était composée exclusivement de juges et d’avocats belges.

La majorité des criminels ont été arrêtés et jugés, à l'exception de Kigeli V Ndahindurwa, seul à bénéficier de l’immunité de chef de l’État.

Deux criminels notoires, Kayihura Michel, chef des milices et du groupe d’extrémistes tutsis INDATWA, et un Mutwa, Rwevu Ndolimana, agent du Palais royal, ont échappé à la justice. Ils ont été jugés par défaut.

Dans ce film, des criminels ont été jugés et punis en 1960.

Le roi Kigeli V Ndahindurwa, protégé par l’administration de tutelle belge, s’est vu offrir une occasion de s'évader. On a affirmé qu'il se rendait à Kinshasa pour assister aux cérémonies célébrant l'indépendance du Congo. Il s'y est rendu seul, sans délégation ni escorte.

Ils l'ont aidé à se rendre aux États-Unis, à Washington, où il a pu plaider la cause de ses criminels auprès de ses soutiens à l'ONU afin d'obtenir une amnistie générale pour tous les assassins de l'UNAR.

L'ONU, par sa résolution n° A/RES/1579 du 20 décembre 1960, a ordonné que tous les assassins de l'UNAR bénéficient d'une amnistie. Ils furent immédiatement libérés afin de pouvoir participer aux élections du Référendum Kamarampaka, dont Kigeli lui-même avait demandé l'organisation et la supervision par l'ONU.

Seuls les assassins de l'UNAR furent libérés. Parmi eux figurait le père de Nyiramongi Jeannette, première dame du Rwanda, Murefu Léonard, numéro 45 sur la liste des amnistiés.

Après la prise du pouvoir par l’armée de Museveni et Kagame, Murefu fut tué par l’armée de Kagame en 1995, à Kicukiro, près de Sonatube, dans la ville de Kigali.

Ce qui est paradoxal, c’est que les Hutus qui avaient participé aux massacres et avaient été jugés furent maintenus en prison, car personne n'avait demandé amnistie en leur faveur.

Une amnistie générale avait été accordée sur la base d'une liste de noms fournie par Kigeli Ndahindurwa en accord avec le Colonel Logiest.

Cette amnistie a été accordée sans compensation pour les victimes, dont les biens avaient été détruits ou pillés.

L'ONU et l'UNAR avaient donc un objectif commun en établissant un système de justice pénale qui ne prévoyait ni indemnisation ni dommages-intérêts pour les victimes.

Les juges qui ont entendu ces affaires ONU/UNAR et Belgique sont :

1. Lieutenant-colonel Émile Lamy, Président ;

2. Les juges:

• le major Guffens;

• le major De Coster;

• le commandant Michel;

• le lieutenant Frans.

Les représentants de l'UNAR et les complices de Kigeli au sein de l'ONU sont :

1. Antoine Houaiss (Brésil);

2. Martial Asselin (Canada);

3. Ahmed Ben Alfa (Tunisie).

Cette histoire fut relayée par la propagande des meurtriers tutsis de Kigeli et de l'UNAR, avec l'aide de leurs maîtres coloniaux de l'Empire britannique, utilisant leurs propres journaux et magazines.

Ils ont répandu le mensonge selon lequel ce sont les Hutus qui ont tué les Tutsis, incendié leurs maisons, abattu leurs vaches et les ont expulsés du Rwanda. Ce récit a inspiré plusieurs films du même niveau que celui de Hôtel Rwanda.

La vérité est qu'à part le Hutu Kanyaruka François, qui a fui au Burundi et y a été tué par l'armée de Kigeli dirigée par le chef Mbanda et le sous-chef Rutayisire, l'assassin tutsi Kayihura Michel, qui était un leader du groupe extrémiste tutsi INDATWA, et le Mutwa Rwevu Ndarimana, personne d’autre n’a fui en 1959, ni avant le Référendum de 1961. C’est cela la vraie réalité.

Ce n'est qu'en 2021 que l’on a commencé à découvrir des documents contenant des preuves tangibles et irréfutables de la vérité.

L'histoire se répète

Compte tenu des preuves détaillées contenues dans le mémorandum adressé au Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies en février 2008 par un groupe de volontaires rwandais :

1. Général Habyarimana Emmanuel;

2. Déogratias Mushayidi;

3. Noël Ndanyuzwe;

4. Karangwa Semushi.

Il s'agit d'un dossier rempli de preuves et d'explications sur la façon dont cette tragédie de guerre d’invasion et d’extermination des Bantous s’est produite au Rwanda et dans toute la région des Grands Lacs, et qui, aujourd’hui, tente d’infiltrer l’Afrique noire subsaharienne.

Cette guerre était planifiée à partir de la présidence de l’Ouganda par Museveni et ses criminels.

Bien sûr, sur ordre de l’Empire britannique, des noms comme la baronne Linda Chalker et Tiny Rowland, l’un des patrons du groupe LONRHO, apparaissent parmi les planificateurs de ce génocide.

Nous savons bien qu’il existe un groupe d’élites mafieuses politico-commerciales françaises qui manipulent des présidents et des politiciens africains, y compris Paul Kagame, pour massacrer les Hutus du Rwanda et les Bantous d’Afrique, ainsi que pour piller les ressources naturelles et toutes les richesses de l’Afrique au profit de ces néocolonialistes anglo-saxons et de leurs alliés, comme la France et la Belgique.

Le Mémorial de Paris est purement commercial entre de petits groupes mafieux de Paris et de Kigali.

Conclusion

Commémorer le génocide à Paris sans pouvoir évoquer l’attentat contre l’avion transportant le président rwandais Habyarimana et le président burundais Ntaryamira le 06/04/1994, un attentat considéré comme l’acte déclencheur du génocide et qui a également coûté la vie à des citoyens français, n’a pas de sens.

Comment commémorer à Paris sans pouvoir parler du courage des soldats français qui auraient sauvé plus de 11 000 personnes pendant le génocide dans le camp de Nyarushishi, à Cyangugu, à l’ouest du Rwanda?

Une commémoration organisée en présence de Paul Kagame, lui-même accusé de crimes de guerre, de crimes contre l’humanité, voire de génocide selon le Rapport Mapping des Nations unies, ayant causé la mort d’innombrables Rwandais et Congolais avant, pendant et après le génocide sersit-il compréhensible?

Se souvenir et se reconstruire sera difficile si ceux qui sont accusés de crimes graves, comme Kagame, sont ceux qui prennent la parole et disent ce qu’ils veulent afin d’imposer le narratif du pouvoir dictatorial au Rwanda.

Il est temps que des initiatives comme celle-ci soient davantage confiées aux survivants qu’à des autocrates et à des criminels présumés comme Paul Kagame.

Le temps demeure le meilleur juge.

Comme l’a déclaré Mgr Desmond Tutu:

« If you are neutral in situations of injustice, you have chosen the side of the oppressor. »

Et comme l’affirmait Grégoire Kayibanda:

«Toute ma vie pour vous, mes frères».

L’histoire finira par établir les responsabilités de chacun. La mémoire des victimes mérite mieux que les divisions politiques ; elle mérite la vérité, la justice et le respect.

Me André Kazigaba

L’histoire est toujours juste; le temps jugera les faits.

Vivre libre ou mourir!

Articles de la même série:

Mémorandum du Partenariat-Intwari adressé au Conseil de sécurité de l’ONU (Février 2008)

Rwanda: Conspiracy to Commit Genocide, Important Missing Puzzle Piece

Rwanda: No Conspiracy, No Genocide Planning … No Genocide?

posted by Mamadou Kouyate @ 8:05 PM 0 Comments

Message à l’occasion du 1er juillet, anniversaire de l’indépendance du Rwanda.

Par Un Patriote Engagé

Leur projet politique s’inscrivait dans une double ambition historique : instaurer d’abord la République en mettant fin à l’ordre monarchique alors en vigueur, puis conduire le pays vers l’indépendance nationale. À leurs yeux, l’avènement de la République constituait le préalable indispensable à l’exercice effectif de la souveraineté populaire et à l’édification d’un État fondé sur la volonté du peuple et l’égalité des citoyens.

Leur combat ne visait donc pas seulement l’émancipation à l’égard de la tutelle coloniale. Il portait également l’espérance d’une transformation sociale profonde, fondée sur l’affranchissement des populations longtemps maintenues dans des rapports de dépendance, de clientélisme et de servitude. En donnant une voix au plus grand nombre et en ouvrant les portes de la participation politique à l’ensemble du peuple, ils ont jeté les bases de la République rwandaise moderne.

Le Rwanda contemporain demeure, en partie, l’héritier de cette œuvre historique. Quels que soient les débats, les divergences d’interprétation ou les sensibilités qui entourent notre passé, nul ne saurait ignorer que l’idéal de liberté, de justice sociale et d’autodétermination a animé celles et ceux qui ont porté le combat républicain et conduit la nation vers l’indépendance.

En ce jour de mémoire et de recueillement, rendons hommage à tous les bâtisseurs du Rwanda, connus ou anonymes, qui ont consacré leur existence au service du bien commun et à l’édification d’une nation libre et souveraine. Puisons dans leur héritage la force de construire un avenir fondé sur la vérité, la réconciliation, le respect de la dignité humaine et la fraternité entre tous les enfants du Rwanda.

Que cette commémoration nous rappelle que l’unité véritable ne peut s’épanouir que dans la reconnaissance sereine de notre histoire commune, dans la justice pour tous et dans la volonté sincère de bâtir ensemble un destin partagé.

Vive la République du Rwanda indépendant !
Vive la liberté des peuples !

Et vive la fraternité entre tous les Rwandais et les amis du Rwanda !

Pères de la Nation Rwandaise

posted by Mamadou Kouyate @ 9:49 PM 0 Comments

Archives du TPIR: la France de Macron poursuit une politique du deux poids, deux mesures

Le 12 juin 2026, le Conseil de sécurité de l'ONU a débattu de l'avenir du Mécanisme pour les Tribunaux pénaux internationaux (MTPI). Les discussions ont porté sur un plan de réduction drastique des effectifs de l'institution, le transfert de certaines fonctions au Secrétariat de l'ONU, et la relocalisation très contestée des archives du Tribunal Pénal International pour le Rwanda (TPIR) et du Tribunal pénal international pour l’ex-Yougoslavie (TPIY).

Concernant le transfert des archives historiques du TPIR, le Rwanda réclame le rapatriement pur et simple des archives alors que la Tanzanie réclame le maintien physique des documents sur place à Arusha pour rentabiliser les infrastructures locales.

Paradoxallement, la France soutient que les archives du TPIR soient transférées au Rwanda mais que celles du TPIY soient conservées dans un « pays neutre »!  

Les déclarations du représentant français devant les Nations Unies concernant l'avenir des archives du TPIR et du TPIY illustrent, une fois de plus, les contradictions qui caractérisent la politique française sur le dossier rwandais depuis plus d'une décennie.

En effet, comment comprendre qu'au sujet des archives du Tribunal pénal international pour l'ex-Yougoslavie, la France juge nécessaire leur conservation dans un « pays neutre », alors qu'elle estime parfaitement légitime que les archives du TPIR soient transférées au Rwanda?

Cette position soulève une contradiction majeure. Le Rwanda n'est pas un pays tiers étranger aux événements couverts par le TPIR. Le régime actuellement au pouvoir est issu du Front patriotique rwandais, acteur central de la guerre qui a précédé, accompagné et suivi le génocide de 1994. Une partie importante de l'histoire politique, militaire et judiciaire contenue dans ces archives concerne directement les protagonistes qui exercent aujourd'hui le pouvoir à Kigali.

Si la neutralité est un principe indispensable pour préserver l'intégrité de la mémoire des conflits en ex-Yougoslavie, pourquoi ne le serait-elle pas pour le Rwanda? Pourquoi ce qui est jugé nécessaire dans les Balkans deviendrait-il superflu dans la région des Grands Lacs?

La réponse semble malheureusement relever moins du droit ou de l'histoire que de la politique.

Depuis la présidence de Nicolas Sarkozy et plus encore sous Emmanuel Macron, la diplomatie française s'est engagée dans un rapprochement stratégique avec Kigali. Cette orientation a progressivement conduit Paris à adopter des positions de plus en plus alignées sur les attentes du régime rwandais, parfois au détriment de la distance critique qui devrait caractériser toute puissance attachée à la justice internationale.

Le problème n'est pas de reconnaître les souffrances des victimes du génocide ni le droit du Rwanda à préserver cette mémoire. Le problème est de savoir si les archives d'un tribunal international doivent être placées sous l'influence directe d'un État qui demeure lui-même partie prenante de nombreux débats historiques, politiques et militaires relatifs à cette période.

Les archives du TPIR n'appartiennent ni à Kigali ni à Paris ni à aucune autre capitale. Elles appartiennent à l'Histoire et à la conscience universelle. Leur mission est de permettre aux chercheurs, aux juristes et aux générations futures d'accéder à l'ensemble des faits, sans pression politique ni risque d'appropriation mémorielle.

En défendant la neutralité pour les archives du TPIY tout en l'abandonnant pour celles du TPIR, la France crée une hiérarchie contestable entre les mémoires et entre les exigences de justice. Cette position donne l'impression que les principes invoqués varient selon les intérêts diplomatiques du moment.

Or la justice internationale ne peut survivre durablement si elle est perçue comme sélective. La mémoire des peuples mérite mieux que des principes à géométrie variable. Elle exige une même rigueur, une même neutralité et une même indépendance pour tous les conflits, qu'ils se soient déroulés dans les Balkans ou dans la région des Grands Lacs.

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Le Conseil de sécurité de l'ONU débat de l'avenir du Mécanisme international appelé à exercer les fonctions résiduelles des tribunaux pénaux (le Mécanisme).

Le Conseil de sécurité de l'ONU s'est réuni ce 12 juin 2026 pour son examen semestriel du Mécanisme international appelé à exercer les fonctions résiduelles des tribunaux pénaux (le Mécanisme) - l'organe chargé de parachever les travaux des tribunaux historiques pour le Rwanda (TPIR) et l'ex-Yougoslavie (TPIY). La présidente du Mécanisme, la juge Graciela Gatti Santana, a présenté un plan stratégique prévoyant une réduction de 90 % des effectifs. Ce plan propose de transférer les tâches non judiciaires - telles que la gestion des archives et l'assistance aux juridictions nationales - directement au Secrétariat de l'ONU. Le procureur en chef, Serge Brammertz, a souligné que, bien que l'organe s'achemine vers une clôture ordonnée, la communauté internationale doit conserver la responsabilité ultime concernant les condamnés purgeant leur peine, la lutte contre la négation du génocide et la prévention de la glorification des criminels de guerre. Les membres du Conseil se sont opposés sur les délais. Si des pays comme la France ont soutenu un achèvement progressif et responsable afin de préserver l'héritage juridique des tribunaux, d'autres, notamment la Fédération de Russie, ont vivement critiqué le Mécanisme pour ses retards « excessifs et injustifiés » et ont exigé un calendrier de clôture clair et rapide.

posted by Mamadou Kouyate @ 9:50 AM 1 Comments

Rwanda fin mai 2026: Le ministre Jean Damascène Bizimana récidive dans sa campagne de haine, mensonges et tentatives de réécrire l'Histoire du Rwanda.

Dr. Jean Damascène Bizimana

posted by Mamadou Kouyate @ 10:16 PM 0 Comments