LETTER TO MONUSCO LEADERS: PDR-IHUMURE URGES CAUTION AND WISDOM IN DEALING WITH FDLR
November 25, 2013
H.E. Mary Robinson,
U.N.
Special Envoy to the Great Lakes
Region of Africa
United Nations, New York, NY USA
H.E. Martin Kobler,
U.N.
Special Representative and Head of MONUSCO
United Nations, New York, NY USA
Hon. Russ Feingold,
U.S.
Special Representative for the Great
Lakes Region of Africa
Washington, DC USA
RE:
PDR-IHUMURE URGES CAUTION AND WISDOM IN DEALING WITH FDLR
Your Excellencies:
1. I
am coming before you as the President of the Party for Democracy in Rwanda
(PDR-Ihumure), a political party that fights for truth, peace, justice and
genuine reconciliation among Rwandans, and aims to return Rwanda from more than
2 decades of a permanent state of war and an implacable reign of terror to a
time of appeasement and the rule of law.
2. On
behalf of our membership inside and outside of Rwanda and the Rwandan refugee
community across the globe, the leadership of the PDR-Ihumure has taken note of
the recent developments regarding the defeat of M23 in eastern DRC (Democratic
Republic of Congo) by the FARDC (Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of
Congo) with the assistance of the MONUSCO Force Intervention Brigade, and urges
you to seize the opportunity offered by the removal of M23 to exercise maximum
caution and wisdom in dealing with the FDLR (Democratic Forces for the
Liberation of Rwanda) issue in your quest for comprehensive peace in the Great
Lakes Region of Africa, and in Rwanda in particular.
3. The
issues underlying the crisis in eastern DRC and the entire Great Lakes Region
are much more complex than the often-used pretext of the FDLR presence in DRC,
which alone cannot account for over 2 decades of war crimes, crimes against
humanity and even genocide by the Rwandan government army, including rapes of
women and young girls, forced recruitment of child soldiers, the massive
plunder of RDC mineral resources, and the killing of thousands of Rwandans and
more than 7 million innocent Congolese, as fully documented by the U.N. Mapping
Report, the Gersony Report, the U.N. Report of Experts on M23, and other
reports.
4. In addition to being an armed group,
the FDLR is also a Rwandan political party in exile among many others, and it
has publicly stated its preference for direct negotiations with the Rwandan
government over armed confrontation. Many of its members are said to be young
men and women who were toddlers in 1994 or were born and raised in DRC over the
last two decades. Therefore, FDLR members are bona fide refugees like all of us
who have scattered in many parts of Africa, Europe and America, and who have
mothers, fathers, brothers, sisters, aunts, uncles, and cousins living in
Rwanda or as exiled refugees across the globe. Yet, over the last several
years, the FDLR has been collectively demonized by the Rwandan government as a
group of genocidaires, and whipped up repeatedly as the poster child for
the entire Rwandan political opposition. Available estimates
put the total number of Rwandan refugees in DRC alone at around 50,000, and
labeling FDLR as genocidaires is tantamount to categorizing all these refugees
as genocidaires. That’s wrong.
5. Either in our party bylaws, at our Party Assessment
Convention on December 15, 2012 in Brussels, or in our different publications
and on many other occasions, we have unequivocally stated our opposition to any
possible impunity for crimes of war, crimes against humanity, and the crime of
genocide for anyone. If anyone within the FDRL is guilty of genocide, war
crimes and crimes against humanity, they must be prosecuted. Likewise, those
guilty of the same crimes within the RPF government must equally be prosecuted.
6. A careful examination of both FDLR and M23 clearly
suggests that these are two different groups in terms of origin, history,
cause, nature and composition, and consequently the two groups should not be
equated or handled in similar fashion. On one hand, there is FDLR, a group of
Rwandan refugees who include women, children and the elderly, and who, like all
of us refugees, demand to be granted their full rights to return to their
motherland without being threatened, and to enjoy their basic freedoms as
citizens of their country, Rwanda. In many ways, today’s FDLR is an exact
replica of the RPF (Rwandan Patriotic Front) rebel group that invaded Rwanda
from Uganda in 1990, waged war with the Rwandan government over 4 years before
taking power in July 1994. The only difference is that the RPF was a Tutsi
rebel group, while the FDLR is a Hutu rebel group. On the other hand, there is
M23, a mixed group of Congolese and Rwandan outlaws and criminals, run by
warlords from within the upper echelons of the RDF (Rwanda Defense Forces) and
fully funded logistically, militarily, and financially by Rwanda to occupy and
exploit the resources of eastern DRC, as documented by the U.N. Group of
Experts on DRC’s Interim Report (S/2012/348) (Addendum_ (26_June_2012)FINAL.pdf). A majority of
these M23 outlaws and criminals have been granted a safe haven by Rwanda almost
a month after their defeat by the FARDC. That is why recent public statements
by multiple U.N. officials that FDLR will be attacked, disarmed and dismantled
like M23 appear misguided, because the two groups are simply not the same. A
different approach would seem best indicated in dealing with the fundamental
issues at the root of the FDLR rebellion, a primarily Hutu organization being
targeted for elimination by a predominantly Tutsi minority military
dictatorship in Rwanda. There is a real ethnic component to this issue that
cannot be ignored or over-simplified.
7. As MONUSCO’s Force Intervention
Brigade, in collaboration with all countries and partner organizations
involved, prepares to disarm and dismantle the FDLR in the broader context of
the peace process in eastern DRC, the Great Lakes Region of Africa and in
Rwanda in particular, we think it would be wise to look carefully at the
contours of the evolving political realities inside Rwanda today. Since
recently, there appears to be a growing radicalization of the RPF regime in
Kigali against Hutus in a possible desperate effort to rally all Tutsi faithful
around the regime and ward off a potential internal cracking of the ruling
Tutsi coalition. In a speech at a Youth Konnect event June 30, 2013, President
Kagame openly asked Hutu youths nationwide to apologize for all killings
committed “in their name” by Hutus against Tutsis during the 1994 genocide,
despite the fact that criminal responsibility is personal rather than
collective. Similarly, following a recent two-day cabinet retreat on the theme
“I am Rwandan” (Ndi Umunyarwanda) that ended Saturday November 8, 2013 in
Kigali under the leadership of President Kagame, members of government made the
resolution that “The genocide
against Tutsis was carried out in the name of Hutus, and so, for the sake of
healing the Rwandan society, it’s necessary for those in whose name genocide
took place to apologize to those against whom it was carried out”, according to a press release issued
by ORINFOR (Rwanda Information Office). Unfortunately, these do not appear to
be edicts that can speed up reconciliation and encourage the average Hutu
refugee to go back to Rwanda, let alone FDLR members whom the Rwandan
government regularly accuses of “harboring the ideology of genocide” and of
wanting to “finish the job of genocide”. Rather, the general fear is that there
is a re-engineering of Rwandan society underway, with a very troubling
unconfessed goal of creating a generation of second-class subservient citizens
bound down by the eternal shame and guilt of genocide. All this is in addition
to a well-documented situation of gross human rights violations that include
persecution of political opponents whether real or perceived, arbitrary arrests
and imprisonments, torture, disappearances, the stifling of the press, the
hunting down of opponents in their countries of exile using death squads, etc.
Clearly, this is not the kind of positive political vision that can heal
scarred hearts and lead to a new united Rwanda.
8. Our PDR-Ihumure leadership -and the Rwandan political
opposition in general -is fully aware of the possibilities of peace, justice,
and democratic change ahead of us because of the Intervention Brigade. The idea
of “direct” Peace Talks between the government of Rwanda and the Rwandan
opposition (armed and non-armed), which was first proposed by Senator Russ
Feingold in the summer of 2009 in a letter to then-Secretary of State Hillary
Clinton, and then echoed forcefully by Tanzanian President Jakaya Kikwete in
May this year, before being endorsed by Belgian Deputy PM and Foreign Minister
Didier Reynders, remains the best option in averting unnecessary bloodshed
while putting an end to the Rwandan refugee problem and settling the Rwandan
political crisis. This idea of peace talks has been called for many times by
the FDLR and by the many political organizations in the opposition. It ought to
be given utmost consideration.
9. Your Excellencies, because of its overwhelming success, we
cannot tell you the immense admiration that the Force Intervention Brigade
currently enjoys within not only Rwandan refugee communities across the globe
but also within different communities from countries of the Great Lakes region of Africa. You should be very proud of the job
you are doing. We hope MONUSCO/FIB will not mar this success or reverse its
gains by making ill-advised decisions based on an incorrect reading of the
exact causes of the conflict and the proper way to address them. We want to
take a moment here to salute the bravery, self-less sacrifice and outstanding
service of the Tanzania, South Africa, and Malawi contingents of the
Intervention Brigade. We are particularly beholden to the 3 Tanzanian officers
who paid the ultimate price so that peace, justice and the rule of law may
reign in our region.
10. Should you need our expertise, please know that the
PDR-Ihumure is more than ready to contribute our ideas and technical experts,
and help define priorities in bringing to an end the long-running conflict of
the Great Lakes Region of Africa in a way that guarantees the security of all
ethnic groups while fostering peaceful coexistence and economic prosperity.
Sincerely,
Paul Rusesabagina (Signed)
President,
PDR-Ihumure
CC:
-H.E. Ban Ki-moon Secretary General,
United Nations New York, New York
-H.E. Jacob Zuma President of the
Republic of South Africa President Pretoria, South Africa -H.E. Jakaya Kikwete President of
the Republic of Tanzania Dar es Salaam, Tanzania
-H.E. Joyce Banda President of the
Republic of Malawi Lilongwe, Malawi
-H.E. Joseph Kabila President of the
Democratic Republic of Congo Kinshasa, DRC
-H.E. Dr. Nkosozana Dlamini Zuma
Chairperson, African Union Commission Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
-H.E. Manuel Barroso President,
European Commission Brussels, Belgium
-Hon. John Kerry Secretary of State, USA Washington, DC
-Hon. Didier Reynders Deputy PM and Foreign Minister, Belgium Brussels, Belgium
-Hon. William Hague Foreign Secretary, UK London, UK
-Dr. Stergomena
Lawrence Tax Executive Secretary, SADC Gaborone, Botswana
ANNUS HORRIBILIS: DEFEATED, WHAT WILL PRESIDENT PAUL KAGAME DO?
By Theogene Rudasingwa
29/10/2013
In November 2012, I wrote a piece with a title, ‘The Tragedy of Goma’ in which I concluded:
“As Goma fell to Rwanda’s troops President Museveni of Uganda and President Kagame of Rwanda, both condemnable co-authors of this latest outrage against the Congolese people, met President Kabila of DRC in Kampala in a sham diplomacy designed to serve him with a fait accompli and an ultimatum to accept M23 as a Congolese organization with legitimate demands. Even then, Kagame must know this: it will be a futile exercise since, like all his ventures in DRC, he will be forced to abandon it, leaving with bags of coltan, diamonds and gold, and behind him a trail of blood, tears and sweat of Rwandans and Congolese. DRC will, sooner than later, prove to be Paul Kagame’s Achilles heel, as wars that he has perpetuated abroad finally reverberate on the hills of Rwanda. This worst case scenario is not inevitable, but the time to act to prevent continuing bloodshed is now.”
Since then more Congolese and Rwandan blood has been shed and millions of Congolese people displaced.
The last few days have been , like most events in the Great Lakes region, very dramatic. Kagame’s proxy creation, the M23, has, according to Martin Kobler, the United Nations Special Envoy to the Democratic Republic of Congo, “seen its military end.” M23′s fortunes, essentially Kagame’s, are confined to “a small triangle close to the Rwandan border.” The last 12 months have been what in Latin is termed, “Annus Horribilis” or a horrible year for His Excellency Paul Kagame.
It is too early to write an epitaph on Kagame’s dangerous and costly ventures in DRC. However, it is clear that times have changed, and that the game-changers are South Africa and Tanzania as SADC’s Force Intervention Brigade, coupled with renewed commitment of the Congolese Army. It is this new factor that makes both President Kagame and President Museveni, long used to have free but disruptive hands in DRC, very uneasy and scrambling for ways to respond to the new realities.
How will President Kagame respond?
First, Kagame looks at Rwanda, Congolese and African people as ‘expendables’ in his quest for maintaining his dictatorial power in Rwanda, and projecting it into DRC. For now, he might decide to sacrifice the Congolese Tutsi in M23, take them into Uganda and Rwanda as refugees, and disarm them. Like Generals Nkunda ( under ‘house arrest’ in Rwanda) and Ntaganda ( now in ICC), General Makenga and his colleagues are indeed an endangered species. Knowing Kagame’s psychology, he has , most likely, passed a death sentence to these officers to whom he gave a mission impossible.
Second, he might relocate the remnants of the M23 to south Kivu. Unfortunately, the Tutsi of south Kivu, namely the Banyamulenge, have suffered enough from Kagame’s opportunistic actions in DRC and are not likely to render support to such an adventure.
Third, as has happened in the past, when his enterprise in DRC has suffered setbacks, President Museveni has come to his rescue through sham peace talks under what is called International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR). President Kagame and President Museveni use the ICGLR to buy time, and obstruct the role of the African Union, and to fight the SADC (South Africa and Tanzania) presence in DRC.
Fourth, President Museveni and President Kagame have been working hard to lure President Kenyatta into their shrinking sphere of influence and isolate Tanzania in the East African Community. Weakened and frustrated, Museveni and Kagame will most likely deepen the tempo of this action.
Fifth, where other people’s lives are involved, Kagame is a dangerous risk-taker and gambler who can take precipitate actions without considering the costs. He might, as his Ambassador at the United Nations threatened last Friday, decide to launch a full invasion into DRC, repeating the 1996/97/98 cycle. He now knows the consequences of facing South African and Tanzanian troops, a Kagame-weary international community, a more effective Congolese Army, a Congolese state that is striving to be united at the top, a Congolese public that is united against Kagame’s violence, a hostile Congolese Tutsi community that is now aware that they are being manipulated by Kagame for his selfish agenda, and a Rwandan nation that is opposed to his war-making at home and abroad. Yet, like a losing gambler, Kagame will often raise the stakes in pursuit of his objectives. That is what happened in 1994 when he decided to shoot down the plane, killing President Habyarimana and triggering the genocide. That is what happened in 2001 when, under his orders, President Laurent Kabila of DRC was assassinated.
Within the next two years, as President Kagame’s horizons shrink regionally, internationally, and further with Rwanda, the prospects for civil war within Rwanda will correspondingly increase. Kagame has made enough enemies in Rwanda and the Great Lakes region. In the absence of an African and international effort to compel Kagame to talk peace to his political and armed opponents ( including FDLR), these enemies will find just cause and opportunity to take arms against Kagame’s regime, and the consequences will be catastrophic.
Now that Africans through SADC have demonstrated that Africans can make a difference in DRC, this is not the time to sit and relax. What the 20,000-strong, 1.5 billion U.S. $ a year, United Nations MONUSCO could not do over 10 years, Tanzania and South Africa have been able to do in a few months.
SADC should remain deployed in DRC until a peaceful and lasting solution is found for DRC and Rwanda.
Once gain, to reiterate my earlier thought:
“DRC will, sooner than later, prove to be Paul Kagame’s Achilles heel, as wars that he has perpetuated abroad finally reverberate on the hills of Rwanda. This worst case scenario is not inevitable, but the time to act to prevent continuing bloodshed is now”
How prophetic!
Rwanda breaks law by seizing protected refugee in Uganda
By Judi Rever
The Digital Journal
November 2, 2013
Rwanda
has breached international law by forcibly returning a refugee that had fled to
Uganda and was under protection of the United Nations, critics charged this week.
Joel
Mutabazi, a former escort for Rwandan President Paul Kagame, had been living in
a UN safe house in Kampala under police surveillance, after numerous attempts
on his life.
He
fled Rwanda in 2011 after being tortured at Camp Kami, a notorious military
facility outside the capital where detainees are subjected to electric shocks,
severe beatings and sensory deprivation, according to Amnesty International.
Amnesty
said Mutabazi was abducted more than a week ago and returned to Rwanda
‘illegally.’
“Joel
Mutabazi, a Rwandan refugee, was abducted from a safe house on 25 October, 2013
where he was under the protection of the Ugandan authorities and illegally
returned to Rwanda,” Amnesty said.
The
organization urged Rwandan authorities to reveal Mutabazi’s whereabouts and
“ensure that he has access to a lawyer of his choice, to medical care, and is
able to communicate with his family.”
Rwandan
officials accuse Mutabazi of terrorism and denied Friday that its agents had
abducted him. Rwandan police said the refugee had been arrested and handed over
by Ugandan police in a bid to fight organized crime through “Interpol and the
Eastern Africa Police Chiefs Cooperation Organization.”
Despite
the claim, Interpol never issued an alert for Mutabazi.
“There
was no Interpol notice,” said the director of Interpol International Kampala,
Asan Kasingye.
“Mutabazi
was not legally returned.” Kasingye said, adding that Rwanda had issued an
international arrest warrant that Ugandan officials had not yet approved.
“The
international arrest warrant was issued by Rwanda, only. We were in the process
of submitting it to the state attorney general for legal advice,” Kasingye
said.
“The
attorney general had not even received it. Our legal office of the police was
still studying it. We had not submitted it to the attorney general."
The
circumstances of Mutabazi’s return to Rwanda remain unclear. Initial reports
indicated the refugee feared for his safety at the UN safe house, where other
high-risk refugees were residing.
The
UN refugee agency representative in Uganda, Mohammed Adar, said security was
reinforced at the safe house after Ugandan officials had received intelligence
of possible renewed threats against refugees there.
Adar
said Mutabazi might have misinterpreted these security moves and left the
premises in a panic, on his own.
Meanwhile,
Ugandan authorities admitted that a senior police officer -- deputy director of
crime intelligence Joel Aguma – actually arrested Mutabazi after the refugee
fled.
The
rogue police officer has since been suspended for this act and is being
investigated, officials said.
Newspaper
reports pointed to Aguma’s close ties with Kigali, having returned to Uganda
last month from a one-year stint at Rwanda’s National Police College.
Kampala’s
Interpol chief insisted the handover “was not sanctioned. It is not under the
law.”
“There
was no legal basis for this transfer,” he added.
Uganda’s
state minister for relief and disaster preparedness in charge of refugees,
echoed the sentiment.
“It
is an act of criminality, an act of indiscipline,” Musa Francis Ecweru said.
“It
looks like this policeman may have conspired with one or two individuals from
Rwanda and abducted Mutabazi and handed him over,” Ecweru said.
It
was the second time in three months that Mutabazi had been targeted at a UN
protected facility in Kampala.
On
August 20, Rwandan agents and rogue Ugandan police stormed another safe house
where Mutabazi, his wife and children were staying. The individuals threw him
into a car and drove him toward Entebbe airport where he was due to be
airlifted to Rwanda to face torture or death, according to friends and family.
However
during that incident, senior police officers in Kampala got wind of the
operation and informed the Ugandan prime minister’s office. The car carrying
Mutabazi was forced to turn around and drop him off at a police station.
At
the time, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in Uganda
was apoplectic.
“This
is unbelievable, it’s very distressful,” a UNHCR official said. “What we know
is that Uganda is extremely angry. You wouldn’t like it if your country was
being used for those kinds of acts.”
The
UN staffer was alluding to a recent spate of abductions, disappearances and
murders of Rwandan refugees on Ugandan territory that are growing in disturbing
intensity.
“It’s
the third disappearance in a week,” the official said in August, referring to
another former Kagame escort, Innocent Kalisa, who went missing on August 12,
along with a Rwandan asylum seeker named Pascal Manirakiza who disappeared
after leaving a police compound in southwestern Uganda. Manirakiza was
tortured, dumped in a cemetery, and eventually found unconscious.
The
three men had one thing in common: they have all criticized human rights abuses
under Kagame’s leadership.
Manirakiza,
23, had publicly spoken of being forcefully recruited into the M23, a militia
in the Democratic Republic of Congo sponsored by Rwanda. The M23 stands accused
by the UN of committing rape, murder and mayhem in the DRC’s mineral rich
eastern Kivu provinces.
Kalisa
and Mutabazi had meanwhile denounced what they describe as systematic torture,
slaughter, and political persecution of innocent Rwandans, both Hutu and Tutsi.
A
leading authority on refugees worldwide expressed moral outrage Saturday,
saying Uganda should immediately stop Rwanda from terrorizing and kidnapping
asylum seekers on its soil.
“The
situation in Uganda has hit a real low when the UNCHR is unable to protect a
Rwandan in one of their safe houses,” said Barbara Harrell-Bond, a refugee
advocate and founder of the Refugees Studies Centre at Oxford University.
“When
will Uganda stop Rwandan government agents from using its country to threaten,
terrorize, and now abduct or cause to disappear refugees under its protection?”
she asked.
Ukuri Nyakuri k’Ubwiyongere bw’Abaturage mu Rwanda
Inkuru ya Kota Venant
Tariki ya 20
Ukuboza 2010
Source: fondationbanyarwanda yahoo groupe
Graph: Demographics of Rwanda, Data of FAO, year 2005 ; Number of inhabitants in thousands.
Banyarubuga,
Ndangije guhindura kiriya cyobo (creux) kiri muri iriya grafiki (graph) ya Wikipedia yerekeranye n'ubwiyongere bw'abaturarwanda mo integrale
ikurikira : ⌠(1.73x-33.68)dx,
ibyara equation Y=0.8182x2-31.9x+364.27. Coefficient de regression (r2) y’iyi equation ni 0.967, limite yayo yo
hasi ikaba abantu bo mu mwaka wa 1989
naho iyo hejuru ikaba abantu bo mu mwaka wa 1999.
Iyo nshatse grafiki y'ubwiyongere bw'abaturarwanda
kuva muri 1960 kugeza muri 2010,
kiriya cyobo (creux) kiri hagati ya 1990-1999 nkagikorera extrapolation
nkora nk’aho iriya tragedy itabayeho (ni ukuvuga ngo singire imibare y'abaturage ngiha), umuvuduko
w'ubwiyongere bw'abaturage b'Urwanda kuva muri 1961 kugeza muri 2001 ukurikiza
kabisa equation exponentielle Y=29.309 e0.0266x,
r2 ikaba 0.979; ndetse nakoresha umubare
w’abaturarwanda miliyoni 10 muri 2009 nkagera kuri equation ya Y=29.576 e0.0259x, r2 ikaba 0.981.
Ibi bihishuro by’imibare bizira uburiganya, kubera ko buri wese yabyibonera, bisobanura iki rero?
Kiriya
cyobo cyo muri iriya grafiki cyerekana ku buryo budasubirwaho ko communaute internationale cyane cyane abari
bafite za ambassades i Rwanda nk’Abanyamerika (USA) n’Ababiligi (Belgique),
etc. bafite uruhare rukomeye rwo kuba baratereranye Urwanda ntibarutabare
nyakuri. Iryo tabara ntibyari kohereza ingabo, ahubwo kwari gukora ibishoboka
byose ngo abadashishikajwe n'ubuzima
bw'abandi badatangiza intambara ngo bashaka kwinjirira rimwe
kandi ku ngufu mu gihe gito, cyangwa se ngo bice Perezida Habyarimana
washakaga uburyo kiriya cyobo iriya graphique igaragaza kitari kubaho.
Imibare rero yaduhishuriye
ko ariya marorerwa (tragedy) yo mu Rwanda akozwe n’uko “abanyarwanda
bapfuye, abandi bakava mu gihugu” kugira ngo “abandi bashobore
kwinjira”; ibyo kandi ntibihindure umuvuduko muremuremure w’ubwiyongere
bw’abaturarwanda. Kugira ngo iyi tragedie itaba, hagombaga ingamba nziza
kandi ntihabe intambara n’ishyushya-imitwe, maze abanyarwanda bashakaga
kugaruka mu Rwanda bakaza bahasanga abari barurimo nta bwicanyi bubaye.
Kuki rero bitashobotse?
Tugiye gusuzuma amakosa
abarebwaga bose n’icyo kibazo bakoze bikabyara iriya tragedy, ariko akanya
n’igihe gito mfite biratuma mbivuga mu magambo make avunaguye.
Abarebwaga na kiriya
kibazo cyo mu Rwanda ni RPF-Inkotanyi,
Leta (Gouvernement) y’Urwanda, abaturarwanda, na communaute
internationale (abanyamahanga). Reka rero turebe amakosa ya buri
gatsiko.
1. RPF Inkotanyi:
N’ubwo imiborogo yabo yo
gutaha m’urwababyaye yumvikanaga, kuba bariyemeje gushora intambara mu Rwanda
le 1er Octobre 1990 ni ikosa rikomeye, ryagize ingaruka mbi cyane ku
banyarwanda bose Hutu, Tutsi na Twa.
Imyitwarire ya RPF mu
ntambara yaranzwe no gukoresha uburiganya bwose bushoboka ngo batsinde
babonye byinshi ndetse ahubwo byose. Byabaye ishyano rya kabiri mu Rwanda,
aho abanyarwanda bibukaga n’ubundi ukuntu ingoma ya cyami, ifitanye amasano na
RPF, yitwaye nabi yiharira byinshi, ako karengane kagahagarikwa na Revolution
ya 1959.
Ntabwo birafutuka niba
RPF-Inkotanyi ariyo yishe cyangwa se yicishije Perezida Habyarimana (biracyari
secret-defense) ariko nibiramuka bigaragaye ko ari RPF yagize uruhare
mw’ipfa ry’uriya Perezida Habyarimana rizaba ari ikosa rindi ndetse ari
agahebuzo, kuko na jenocide izahita ibagwa ku mutwe nta shiti. N’ubwo
bayigize igikoresho kibaha uburyo bwo gushyira ababo mu myanya, birukana
abandi, no kubaha byinshi kurusha abandi.
2. Gouvernement ya Habyarimana:
N’ubwo yavugaga ko yifuza
ndetse ikarwanira ko abanyarwanda babaho neza, iyi Gouvernement yagize
intege nke ntiyafata ibyemezo bikomeye n’ubwo byari gutuma
bamwe mu bayirimo cyangwa se abaturage yavugaga ko irwanira babura ibyiza
bimwe bari bafite. Yabuze abategetsi bashishoza na Prezida abura imbaraga
zo kubasezerera ngo ashyireho abashoboye. Yakoze ikosa likomeye lyo kwemera
kuvugirwamo ubwo biha ba Semuhanuka, Nyirarunyonga na ba Kamegeri beze i
Rwanda ububasha bwo gutoba igihugu.
Habyarimana yishwe byari
birangiye: Urwanda rwabaye nka cya rukururana gipakiye, cyamanukaga Buranga
gicomoka feri yanyuma, ubwo kiba kivuye mu muhanda gitangira
gutogoga ya manga ya Buranga!
3. Abanyarwanda ubwacu:
Twagize amashyaka
y’ibihindugembe (ibyontazi) agizwe n’ibisahiranda bitareba nabusa inyungu
z’abanyarwanda n’akazaza kabo, ahubwo byikurikiriye amaronko yabyo bwite n'aho
byaba biyavoma mu maraso ya ba se na banyina yamenwe.
Twagize ubwacu uburiganya
buhanitse, bamwe baba intyoza mu gufata impu zombi; ngaho bari muri
RPF irwanya Guvernema ya Habyarimana kandi bari no muri Guvernema ya
Habyarimana. Ibyo byagize ingaruka ikomeye kuko byatumye ubwizerane bw’abaturanyi
henshi buyoyoka, ari nacyo cyatumye n’imiryango yageze aho igasubiranamo, umugabo
agahiga umugore we, naho nyina w’abana akagirira nabi abo yabyaye!
Twagize abenshi bakunda
ibintu kurusha igihugu n’inyungu zacyo muri rusange, tubura ikizere murirwo
ngo tururwanirire uko bikwiye.
4. Abanyamahanga:
N’ubwo tuzi neza ko ak’imuhana
kaza imvura ihise kandi kagatangwa hakurikijwe inyungu ugatanga abifitemo, ntabwo
amahanga yadutabaye uko bikwiye nabusa. Ahubwo mu bibazo byacu, amahanga
yahaboneye uburyo bwo kuhakorera isibaniro arangiza intambara hagati y’abavuga
Urwongereza n’abavuga Urufaransa (Anglophones contre Francophones). Nuko
intwaro z’abo mu gice cy’urwongereza zanyuzwa Uganda zihabwa RPF naho izabo mu
rufaransa zinyuzwa kwa Guvernement ya Habyarimana.
Aha niho RPF n’abo
bakorana bahera bavuga ko Mitterand na LONI byakoze nabi, kuko bo bohereje
Turquoise ngo nibura hagire abarokoka, ariko
ibi bikaba byariciye RPF yashakaga kuroha abari i Rwanda bose mu Kivu maze
ya equation ya cya cyobo nerekanye ikaba yo kweli, mu Rwanda hakaboneka umwanya
uhagije wo kwakira abari biteguye kurwinjiramo bavuye hanze, ntakindi kibazo
cyo gucyura bariya Turquoise yatumye bahungira muri Zaire, ndetse nta no kugira
aba barorongotaniye mu bindi bihugu, ubu intore n’abacanshuro bya RPF
byirukaho, kandi bazi neza ko nta mahirwe na make yo kuzabarangiza ahari.
Nk’uko rero ya mibare
yabyerekanye, Rwanda ikennye kandi icucitse abantu ntabwo yari iyo
kwoherezwamo intambara nk’uko Uganda yabikoze irushumuriza abayihungiyemo
bishakiraga gutaha ngo basubizeho ingoma bari baranyazwe muri 1959 na Rubanda.
Ntabwo rero HCR na
Loni, byari bifite ibiro byabyo mu Rwanda, bizi ingorane zihari, byagombaga
kwemera ko intambara ishozwa mu Rwanda n’impunzi za RPF. Ahubwo ya mishyikirano
hagati ya Rwanda na RPF yari irimo yagombaga gushyigikirwa uko bishoboka kwose,
bikiyamira kure icyashaka kuyipfubya cyose.
Ntabwo rero USA na
Belgique byari bifite ambassades mu Rwanda, bikurikira hafi ibihari byose,
byagombaga kwemera no gushyigikira intambara uko byabikoze.
Ibyo bihugu byose ahubwo
byari gukorana na Guvernema ya Habyarimana na RPF, ariko nta ntambara
bishyigikiye, bigafasha bombi kubona ibya ngombwa (amazu, ibiryo, imirimo,
etc.) bituma abari mu Rwanda batagira ubwoba n’ubwihebe ko bagiye kunyagwa
n’uduke bari bafite kandi bigaha n’icyizere abataha ko batazicwa n’inzara
babuze abo bambura ibyabo n’ubutegetsi bwose.
Ntabwo amahanga yagombaga
kwemerera umusirikari n’umwe kwica Habyarimana, azi urwicyekwe
n’ubwumvikane buke byari mu Rwanda kubera nyine intambara n’itahuka ly’impunzi
zo muri 1959, na guvernema yari isa n’iyapfuye, isigaye yizewe n’abantu mbarwa.
Ngibyo ibyatumye abintu
bicika mu Rwanda, abantu bakicwa abandi bagahunga, uretse ibinyoma bya ba
Semuhanuka na ba Nyirorunyonga bishorwa ngo benebyo bashobore kubona amaronko,
bishingikirije ku manza-mahugu zitagize icyo zimariye abanyarwanda.
Ng’uko ukuri, ureke bimwe
abagome n’ibisahiranda byitwaza za jenocide bishyiraho za gacaca zicuritse
zibaha amaronko agayitse.
Ng’uko ukuri, ureke bamwe
batoteza abatutsi barokotse, bibaniraga n’abahutu m’urwa Habyarimana, bakagera
n’aho bashaka kubambura ubututsi bwabo. Nyamara iyo tugira ibyago bakicwa ubu
ibihanga byabo biba bitaze muri za memorials ba Mukerarugendo babifata amafoto.
Ubwo tuba twirwa tubaterekera mu cyunamo m’ukwa kane tubeshya ngo turabarira
kuko twabakundaga!
Ng’uko ukuri, ureke ibyo
inyangabirama zivuga nta mpanvu ngo uwari muri mission irimo na Prezida
Habyarimana yagize nabi, uwagiye mu nama ya minisitiri na burugumesitiri,
uwarinze umutekano, ni umugiranabi. Ngo uwatanze umusanzu muri MRND akwiye
kunyongwa, nk’aho prezida Kagame we agenda wenyine, meya na ministry
ntibakoreshe inama abaturarwanda, local defense na community policy ntibakore byishingikirije
ku baturage, RPF ntibe ifata imisanzu cyangwa se ngo iyisabe ku ngufu, etc.
Kagame we burya arusha
kure ziriya ntore n’ibyegera bye ubwenge, ahubwo agomba kuba yarumiwe, yabona
uko abazungu bakora bikamuyobera ukuntu batamukwata, yabasaba imidari na Dr.
H.C. bakabimuha, abajyaji bazi ubwenge bashaka kumufata we n’abo bafatanyije
kuroha Urwanda, abandi bazungu bagakinga ikibaba! Iyo abona ukuntu ukuri k’ubya
Rwanda kugaragara nyamara abazungu bafite ubwenge buhanitse bagakora nk’aho batabibona,
akabona TPIR yirwa iriganya inyura ukuri ku ruhande kandi ikubona, akaba azi ko
bazi neza uwishe Prezida Habyarimana ariko bakicecekera, akabona ubukene,
ubwikanyize n’agahotoro yimakaje m’Urwanda nyamara abazungu bakavuga ko aricyo
gihugu kimeze neza muri Afrika, arumirwa. Ari naho bimurenga agatera hejuru
yita byose nothing na useless, ntiyumve n’ukuntu yazemera kujya gukora
muri Loni!
Uzashaka za details kuri
ibi, azajye ku rubuga aho intore zirwa zisizana n’abavugishukuli bake bahari,
azabona ukuri kose mu magambo arambuye.
Intore ya RPF iti : “Nusanga inzu yawe yuzuye
amazi wikwihutira gukoropa, ahubwo banza urebe aho amazi ava uhafunge hanyuma
ubone ubutunganya inzu”.
Ubwo rero na twe
abanyarwanda niba dushaka kwubaka Urwanda nyakuri nitubanze tumenye ibyateye n'abateye
umwiryane mu Rwanda. Gufifika duhiga abere ngo ni uko nta butegetsi
bafite tubyirinde, abantu tubakosore, niba tutabishoboye tubyihorere,
hanyuma dutangire twubake Rwanda.
Ngaho aho
ukuri kugera kukanga kurigita byanze bikunze!
Izindi Nkuru Bijyanye:
