Hungry for Truth, Peace and Justice: November 2010

Saturday, November 27, 2010

Rwanda: Statement on Criminal Charges Instituted by the Government of Rwanda against the authors of “RWANDA BRIEFING”

[The following is a Statement on Criminal Charges Instituted by the Government of Rwanda against the authors of “RWANDA BRIEFING” ( Lt.Gen Kayumba Nyamwasa, Col. Patrick Karegeya, Dr. Gerald Gahima and Dr. Theogene Rudasingwa)].

By Dr. Theogene Rudasingwa
November 17, 2010

Three months after we published a document on the political situation in Rwanda entitled “Rwanda Briefing”, President Paul Kagame opted to react to our constructive criticism by instituting criminal proceedings against us instead of adopting reforms to move our country from authoritarian rule. On the 16th November 2010, a Rwandan military court issued summons compelling the four of us to appear before it to answer a wide range of manifestly political charges, including endangering the security of the state, treason, divisionism, establishment of a criminal enterprise and defamation of President Kagame. In addition, Lt General Kayumba and Dr Rudasingwa are accused of desertion from the Rwanda Defence Forces.

While we are not privy to the full particulars of the offences with which we have been charged, we issue this statement to deny the alleged offences as completely baseless and unfounded. We categorically reject all these allegations as false and malicious, the latest in the regime’s campaign of terror, denial, deception, and attempts at tarnishing the image of those who dare speak the truth about the situation of Rwanda and the authoritarian character of the regime. Equally, the outcome of the case that President Kagame has instituted against us is a foregone conclusion. Rwanda does not have an independent judiciary. We fully expect the outcome of the trial of the case in absentia to be a conviction, in spite of the fact that the case against us has no legal basis.

The case against us is principally a reaction to the wide circulation of the “Rwanda Briefing” document, the very positive reception that the document received among Rwandans and foreigners alike and press interviews that we have given in relation to the situation in Rwanda since the document’s publication. We have not committed any crime against the Rwanda state. We are not involved in any activities that contravene Rwandan law. We have neither advocated the violent overthrow of the government nor incited inter-ethnic hatred as alleged by the government. We have no connection whatsoever with any of the groups that are waging war against the government of Rwanda from bases in the Democratic Republic of Congo, as government propaganda has intimated in the recent past. All we have done is express our views, through our writings and interviews with the media, on the absence of democratic governance in Rwanda.

In the “Rwandan Briefing” document, we joined the ranks of many other Rwandan citizens (and foreigners) who have spoken out about the serious and deteriorating crisis that is confronting Rwanda. The crisis is characterized by President Kagame’s monopoly of power; violation of the fundamental human rights of citizens, including virtual denial of the right of political participation, severe limitations of the right of freedom of expression, draconian restrictions of the freedom of the media, and the rights of civil society and opposition parties to operate freely in the country; the manipulation of state institutions, especially like the judiciary and security to perpetuate dictatorship; assassination attempts, extra-judicial killings, and disappearances of government opponents and critics; and purges of the civilian echelons of the ruling party and the military establishment. We also gave an account, based on our personal knowledge and recollections, of President Kagame’s continuing misappropriation of state and party resources for his personal use, and for the use of the resources so illegally acquired to finance criminal covert operations in Rwanda and abroad against his real or perceived opponents.

Instead of replying to the substance of the issues that we raised in the “Rwanda Briefing” document and in press interviews before and since the publication of the document, President Kagame responded to our call for profound reform by intensifying persecution against us and other pro-democracy voices. Since the publication of the ‘Rwanda Briefing’ document, the government has intensified propaganda against us. Our relatives in Rwanda have been evicted from our homes and others like John Rutayisire were killed. Our homes and all their contents have been taken by the state. A vitriolic media campaign continues to churn out endless propaganda directed at us. Large delegations have been dispatched to capitals across Western Europe to carry on this relentless propaganda founded on obvious lies and deceit. The fallacious criminal charges that President Kagame is now leveling against us are the latest in a series of assaults to freedom of speech and the exercise of civil and political rights which are the hallmark of President Kagame’s authoritarian rule.

President Kagame’s reaction to our calls for political reform is neither unusual nor unexpected. The crimes which we stand accused in the instant case are template charges that President Kagame always invokes against all political opponents. Similar charges have been instituted against various members and leaders of opposition groups, including leaders Deo Mushayidi, Bernard Ntaganda, Victoire Ingabire, and Paul Rusesabagina. The charges are not only preposterous, but also confirm the Rwanda regime’s intransigence and unwillingness to address the root causes of Rwanda’s conflict that we have discussed in the ‘Rwanda Briefing” document. After his policies and threats have compelled us to flee the country, President Kagame continues to relentlessly pursue us in exile to make sure we do not continue to inform the public about the authoritarian character of his rule, the corruption for which he is responsible, and the divisive policies of his government that are driving the country towards almost inevitable conflict and ruin. The summons that were issued against us this week are intended to intimidate us and to silence all people who like us are openly opposed to dictatorship in Rwanda. President Kagame does not want us to offer alternatives to his government.

Some in Rwanda and the international community initially hoped that President Kagame would ease the repressive nature of his government after the fraudulent elections of August 2010. On the contrary, the situation in Rwanda continues to become ever more precarious. Like its ruler, Rwanda remains a nation on edge, low on trust, and engulfed in a state of fear and terror. Since the elections, more Rwandans have died as result of extra-judicial killings. Others, including Victoire Ingabire, Bernard Ntaganda, Gen. Muhire, and Lt Col. Rugigana Ngabo, have been incarcerated on trumped up charges. Lt Col. Rugigana has been held incommunicado for months in unknown places, without access to medical care, legal representation or family members. Gen. Karenzi Karake has been under house arrest for months without charge. These political prisoners join other long standing political prisoners such as Charles Ntakirutinka and Stanislas Biseruka

In spite of the relentless persecution to which we have been and continue to be subjected, we remain committed to continuing our advocacy for peaceful political change in Rwanda. We assure the people of Rwanda as well as friends of Rwanda that we are not involved in any activities that promote or incite violent conflict. On the contrary, our advocacy for political reform in Rwanda aims to promote the peaceful resolution of the crisis now engulfing our motherland. Like many other Rwandans, we have called for peaceful change to avert the risk of another civil war. We are not amassing a military response to Kagame, as dialogue, not conflict, is the first step towards breaking the cycle of Rwanda’s history of political violence. We have spoken out against state-inspired terror, President Kagame’s divisive politics that marginalize and exclude most Rwandans from political participation, and against the lies and slander that the regime daily directs against its opponents precisely because we believe that the policies that President Kagame’s government is pursuing are setting the country on a path towards inevitable conflict and bloodshed. We reiterate our unwavering belief in the necessity for political change in Rwanda as a pre-requisite for sustainable peace. We will continue to resist Kagame’s autocratic rule by peaceful means, and we ask all Rwandans to do the same.

We also firmly stand by the contents of “Rwanda Briefing” relating to corrupt practices on the part of President Kagame. We are all fortunate to have received political asylum in democratic countries in which the courts are free. We challenge President Kagame to seek remedies in the courts of the countries in which we now reside if he wants to challenge our account of the facts as we have reported them.

Rwanda is once again at dangerous cross roads. President Kagame’s repressive rule fuels ethnic polarization, social upheaval and almost inevitable conflict. Failing profound political changes, Rwanda is set on a course that could lead to devastating consequences, inside Rwanda itself and the Great Lakes region generally. Peaceful and democratic change in Rwanda requires sustained investment in protecting fundamental freedoms, promoting the values of respect for human rights and the rule of law, establishing democratic and accountable institutions, and working for healing of individuals and communities as the cornerstone for a shared future of durable peace, security, and prosperity in a diverse but united nation.

We therefore call upon all Rwandans to choose the path of democratic change, a peaceful alternative to repression, conflict and bloodshed. We urge all Rwandans to unite and peacefully struggle to regain their fundamental freedoms, to demand and obtain the right to associate and engage in fruitful dialogue so as to build a shared future, and to seek the establishment of a new broad-based government that respects the rule of law to lead the country through a necessary transition to democracy. We cannot postpone this just and peaceful struggle to another time and another generation.

We also call upon the international community, especially Rwanda’s major development partners as well as her neighbors and the African Union, to condemn in the strongest terms possible, the continuing closure of space for political participation, the draconian restrictions on freedom of expression and the press, the persecution of members and leaders of opposition groups, including ourselves, and the abuse of the country’s law enforcement and judicial system to sustain dictatorial rule in Rwanda. We urge governments of foreign states to reject President Kagame’s attempt to manipulate the international law enforcement system to harass innocent Rwandans, including those who have fled the regime’s campaign of terror. We also strongly urge the whole international community to unambiguously support the aspirations of the people of Rwanda for peaceful political change.

Related Materials:
Rwanda Briefing by Nyamwasa & Co.

Unprecedented: Military Court summons exiled Gen. Kayumba, Karegeya

ICYEMEZO N° 0001/010/HCM CY’URUKIKO GITEGEKA ABAKURIKIRANYWEHO IBYAHA BATOROTSE IGIHUGU CYANGWA BIHISHE UBUTABERA KWITABA KUBURANA

THE COORDINATION OF HIIRD STRONGLY CONDEMNS RWANDA'S COURT MARTIAL INDICTMENT OF NYAMWASA, KAREGEYA, GAHIMA, AND RUDASINGWA

By Paul Rusesabagina
President,
The Coordination of the Highly Inclusive Inter-Rwandan Dialogue Initiative (HIIRD)
POST BUS 2847, 6030 AC NEDERWEERT – NEDERLAND
TEL.: 0031-630897180
E-MAIL : dirhi2010@yahoo.fr, info@rwandadialogue.org
WEBSITE : http://www.veritasrwandaforum.org/

Brussels, November 25, 2010

On November 16, 2010, Rwanda's High Military Court announced the formal criminal indictment of Lt Gen Kayumba Nyamwasa, Colonel Patrick Karegeya, Dr. Gerald Gahima and Dr. Théogène Rudasingwa on charges of endangering the security of thestate, treason, divisionism, establishment of a criminal enterprise and defamation of President Kagame as well as desertion from the Rwanda Defence Forces for Lt GenNyamwasa and Dr. Rudasingwa.

The Coordination of the Highly Inclusive Inter-Rwandan Dialogue Initiative (HIIRD) strongly condemns this indictment as yet another attempt by the Rwandan RPF regimeto demonize those opposed to its extremist policies of excessive greed, terror and repression, exclusion and discrimination. The accused, who have formally and categorically denied the charges against them, are former close collaborators of
President Kagame who have fallen out with him and are part of a growing list of former high ranking RPF officials and army officers who are abandoning Kagame's dictatorial regime as it nears its final collapse.

These High Military Court proceedings reek of high intrigue and vendetta as the Rwandan regime has waited 5 years after Rudasingwa and Gahima left the country, 3 years after Karegeya left the country, and almost a year after Nyamwasa left the country to file charges against them. More intriguing is the fact that all four are being court-martialed even when the official indictment lists two of them as civilians, betraying an obvious overkill intent. Additionally, from the day the four accused officials published a very critical memoir against the Rwandan government widely known as “Rwanda Briefing”, the regime has gone on an all-out reprisal brutalization campaign against their relatives inside Rwanda, evicting them from their homes and taking over all their properties, imprisoning Lt Col Rugigana Ngabo who is a younger brother to Nyamwasa, and killing John Rutayisire, a relative of Karegeya.

It must be noted that this court martial indictment follows a troubling trend in the regime's recent record that includes the hard-nosed rigging of the last presidential election this past August through the exclusion of political opposition parties from participation in the electoral process, the beheading of the vice-president of the Green Democratic Party of Rwanda, the jailing of Deo Mushayidi of the PDP-Imanzi party,Victoire Ingabire of the FDU-Inkingi party, and Bernard Ntaganda of the PS-Imberakuri party, and the demonization of Paul Rusesabagina on bogus terrorism charges. Ironically, all of this is happening in the year immediately following Rwanda's highly publicizedadmission to the British Commonwealth amid fanfare and glowing reports of Kagame's supposed great leadership and good governance.

After the painful legacy of the 1994 Rwandan genocide, and of the crimes of war and against humanity, and possibly of genocide in DRC by Kagame's army as officially documented and made public recently by the UN Mapping report, the biggest need for the people of the Great Lakes region of Africa in general and the people of Rwanda inparticular lies in strong and positive policies that promote peace, justice, harmony and reconciliation. Surprisingly, President Kagame continues to pursue negative policies that create more prisoners and refugees, setting the stage for another cycle of inevitable violence and bloodshed in a not too distant future.

The Coordination of the Highly Inclusive Inter-Rwandan Dialogue Initiative (HIIRD) is extremely concerned about the deepening political crisis in Rwanda, and urges the international community to pressure the Rwandan RPF regime of President Paul Kagame to put an end to its current campaign of persecution and demonization ofpolitical opponents, and to demand the immediate release from prison of Deo Mushayidi, Victoire Ingabire, Bernard Ntaganda, Charles Ntakirutinka, and others.

The Coordination of HIIRD also calls upon the same international community to imperatively force President Kagame to sit down around a negotiation table with all members of Rwandan opposition and civil society to spare our country another round of violence and forge together a future of peace, justice, democracy, and reconciliation.

Related Materials:
Rwanda Briefing by Nyamwasa & Co.

Statement on Criminal Charges Instituted by the Government of Rwanda against the authors of “RWANDA BRIEFING”

Thursday, November 25, 2010

INGABIRE COURT HEARING: STONEWALLING, DISPLAY OF FORCE AND HUMILIATION

By Sylvain SIBOMANA
FDU-INKINGI
Secretary General.

Kigali 25th November 2010

On the request of the Prosecutor, Ms. Victoire INGABIE, FDU-INKINGI Chair, was again handcuffed and taken to GASABO intermediate Court for a 30-day extension of her provisional detention. The stonewalling and Prosecutor's obstructions to a fair trial in a background of impressive display of force and humiliations leave no hope for a fair trial in Rwanda. While she is treated like one of the worst criminals of the planet, the government is not ready for the evidential stage of the trial. The Court will deliver the verdict tomorrow 11:00.

The justifications produced in Court are all new delaying manoeuvres: certification of email copies, exchange letters with the Rwandan Embassy in Switzerland, preparation of letters rogatory and interrogations of new witnesses. Apparently nothing has been done during the whole time of incarceration and the accusation did not submit any new motion. How many years do they need to wrap up the case?

The independence of justice in Rwanda is a crucial question. Most of the judges are members of the ruling party and execute orders from the regime. In his exclusive interview with Monitor Managing Editor Daniel Kalinaki published on 25 May 2010 , President Paul Kagame shows, in strong terms, that all in being done to silence the opposition leader Ms. Victoire Ingabire and he stated: “This is somebody, a candidate, a so-praised opposition leader, yes, but wait a minute; if there are cases to answer, you answer them (…). This woman will certainly be where she belongs”. Who is the judge who will contract the President and where is he going to get asylum or life insurance from?

Another proof of the judicial mess is the on-spot suspension last week of military court judges Brigadier General Steven KARYANGO and Lt. Colonel Marc SEBAGANJI who cleared the detained Colonel Diogen MUDENGE of all charges, declared him not guilty and ordered his immediate release. He is still in custody and the judges are under prosecution for unprofessional conduct. This is the dilemma of all judges in Rwanda: will they deliver justice against their positions and freedoms? Will they free victims and take their places or join them in jails?

While the ruling party is preparing a next round of local elections in Rwanda in March 2011, leaders of opposition parties are incarcerated while others are pushed into exile. The same time the investigations over the political assassinations of the Vice President of the Democratic Green Party of Rwanda, Mr. André Kagwa Rwisereka, and the journalist Jean-Leonard Rugambage are obstructed.

A manhunt against FDU-INKINGI followers throughout the whole country has been launched. The arrested party members in Gisenyi and Ruhengeri are being offered guilty plea deals by the Prosecution in exchange of false accusations to wage war and fake testimonies against Ms. Victoire INGABIRE on terrorist acts, illegal detention and smuggling of firearms.

If the government can not let free the judicial, it should close down the court masquerade, and stop fooling Rwandans and the international community that justice is done in Rwanda. Those within the civilised nations who are silently witnessing this parody are not making any difference.

Related Materials:
JUDICIAL AMBUSH: MS. VICTOIRE INGABIRE'S SURPRISE COURT APPEARANCE

DEBATE CONFERENCE ON THE SITUATION OF THE FDU INKINGI PARTY IN RWANDA, NATIONAL UNITY AND RECONCILIATION AND THE FUTURE OF THE DRC UNITED NATIONS MAPPING REPORT

“WANTED DEAD OR ALIVE”: ERLINDER REJECTS SUICIDAL RETURN TO RWANDA

NEWS ADVISORY
November 24, 2010

Contact:
International Humanitarian Law Institute
Prof. Peter Erlinder, Director
c/o Wm. Mitchell College of Law
875 Summit Av.
St. Paul, MN 55105 USA
651-290-6384/peter.erlinder@wmitchell.edu

St. Paul, MN-USA -- According to high-level Rwandan officials at a meeting in Kigali in mid-October, President Kagame ordered that IHLI Director and WMCL law professor Peter Erlinder be brought back to Rwanda “dead or alive.” Former members of the government, now in exile, reported that Kagame said “Erlinder’s release was a mistake” and that he, and Paul Rusesabagina of Hotel Rwanda fame, were responsible for drawing worldwide attention to the detailed in a 600-page UN report released Oct. 1, that exposes the role of Kagame’s RPF in the Congo “genocide” 1993-2003.

The confidential source of the threats against Erlinder has been reported to federal and local law enforcement, as well as to the State Department. Regarding a return to Rwanda under these circumstances, Erlinder said:

On October 6, the UN Tribunal for Rwanda declared the prosecution against me illegal under UN immunity rules, and I have no obligation to answer an illegal prosecution. Since my illegal arrest, UN reports of mass-murder by the Kagame regime in Rwanda and the Congo, as well as assassinations and trumped-up prosecutions of Kagame’s opponents, make clear that returning to Rwanda would be suicide for anyone Kagame considers a threat to his absolute power…

Nearly all opposition leaders have been arrested, or killed in the past four months. The Rwandan government’s New Times, reported last week that Rusesabagina’s Hotel Rwanda Foundation was part of an Obama administration and UN conspiracy to discredit the Kagame regime. Last year Rwanda’s Ambassador publicly accused career State Department officer and former Ambassador to Rwanda, Robert Flaten, of supplying “guns to the genocidaires” at a meeting organized by Rev. Jesse Jackson.

According to Erlinder:

As Kagame’s “enemies-list” grows, the accusations take on the stench of desperation which only makes the regime all the more dangerous….anywhere in the world, and I must take the death threats seriously. UN documents in evidence at the UN Tribunal show Kagame is responsible for the Rwandan genocide already and RPF culpability for 6-million deaths in the Congo is now public too. A regime capable of these crimes is capable of eliminating its opponents anywhere it can reach them.

If Professor Erlinder is prosecuted a second time, Rwanda will only further confirm the importance of the “Rwanda Genocide Papers” he has put into evidence at the UN Tribunal for Rwanda that expose the role of Kagame and the RPF in the “Rwandan genocide” and provide further credibility to the threat the documents pose to the legitimacy of Africa’s most bloody dictatorship.

Rwandan Constitutional Law and the Oppression of Political Opposition and Dissidents

By David Barouski
World News Journal
November 17, 2010

Adapted from the article "Leaked: Rwandan Secret Services’ Plan to Eliminate Victoire Ingabire" posted on "The Proxy Lake" blog on 17 October 2010.(1)

Introduction

The Rwandan Department of Military Intelligence (DMI), in collaboration with the Rwandan national police, allegedly masterminded a conspiracy to indict and eventually eliminate Madame Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, Chairperson of an unregistered Rwandan opposition party, the United Democratic Forces (FDU)-Inkingi. The alleged plan was initiated by leveling a new criminal charge against Madame Ingabire. The charge claims that she collaborates with a newly formed armed group affiliated with her political party. This information comes from Umuvugizi, a Rwandan local newspaper that recently had its six-month government-imposed ban lifted after the suspension’s time period expired.(2) The article containing the allegations was published on Sunday, 17 October 2010. Rwandan officials also allege that Mr. Paul Rusesabagina, the famous figure depicted in the Hollywood film “Hotel Rwanda,” is also involved, which Mr. Rusesabagina strongly denies.

Based on a tip-off from an informant allegedly inside Rwandan President Paul Kagame’s DMI, Umuvugizi’s exiled Chief Editor Jean-Bosco Gasasira(3) claims the alleged plot against Madame Ingabire was engineered by Colonel Dan Munyuza of the Rwandan Defense Forces (RDF). He was allegedly assisted by General Paul Rwarakabije, a former senior officer of the Rwandan gendarmerie during the regime of the late President Juvenal Habyarimana. After fleeing to (then) Zaire in 1994, General Rwarakabije eventually became a senior commander in the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), a non-state armed group that opposes the Rwandan government. After defecting and repatriating back to Rwanda, he eventually became a commissioner in Rwanda's Demobilization and Reintegration Commission, which deals with repatriating and reintegrating Rwandan citizens who were members of opposing non-state armed groups.

General Rwarakabije was allegedly asked to find people willing to play a role in the alleged plot by acting as witnesses to validate the accusations against Madame Ingabire in court and secure her conviction. He was allegedly tasked with recruiting Hutu that were once members of the FDLR that could be convinced to collaborate with the Rwandan government. The article claimed, “General Rwarakabije picked one of his men from FRDL (sic!), a certain Major (Vital) Uwumuremyi, who arrived in Rwanda a few months ago with his group. Once in Rwanda, he was given a mission to return to Congo to spy on his comrades. He carried out his secret mission on several occasions before they were able to trust him. Information we have confirms that he received a large amount of money to convince him and be confident.”(4)

Original Targets?

The article said it is believed that after former RDF General Kayumba Nyamwasa and the former head of the external division of the DMI, Colonel Patrick Karegeya, defected and fled Rwanda for South Africa, the DMI decided to accuse them both of being accomplices to acts of terrorism in Rwanda. These accusations followed a series of grenade attacks in Kigali, the capital of Rwanda. With domestic criminal charges leveled against them, the Rwandan government demanded they be sent back to Rwanda to stand trial.

Allegedly, the plan was to isolate and demonize them because both men still maintain strong support within the RDF and with some civilian members of President Kagame’s political party, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF). President Kagame perceives this as a direct threat to his rule because their political influence could divide the RDF and military institutions, presenting the theoretical possibility of an internal coup. There are soldiers in the army and some civilians in the Rwandan government who have grown disillusioned with President Kagame’s rule and/or cultivated close personal ties with General Nyamwasa and/or Colonel Karegeya from their days as fellow refugees in Uganda and/or by serving with them when they were members of Uganda’s army in the late 1980s and/or when they were together in the Rwandan military.

To try and stop internal divisions from growing, several key RDF officials were arrested. Other soldiers suspected of having loyalties to General Nyamwasa and/or Colonel Karegeya were shipped away from Rwanda to Darfur.(5) Leadership positions in the RDF and civilian government posts were reshuffled. Some civilian government officials related to arrested soldiers and soldiers suspected of collaborating with General Nyamwasa and Colonel Karegeya were removed from their positions. Most of the civilian government positions were filled by aspiring politicians that were eager to act as proverbial “Yes Men” for President Kagame in order to advance their personal political careers. The higher-ranking RDF soldiers who were not kept in prison but were suspected of collaboration or dissent were transferred to new appointments that required more administrative work and reduced their direct contact with sympathetic fellow RDF soldiers. This allowed President Kagame and his loyal members in the DMI an opportunity to keep a closer eye on their activities. President Kagame also raised the salaries of his presidential guard as an extra precaution.

A Recycled Plan?

The Umuvugizi article goes on to say, “When this strategy did not work as planned as South Africa refused to extradite both generals,(6) the plan was redirected at Mme Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza’s arrest, using agent Major Uwumuremyi, especially because her earlier accusations were widely seen as false.” Other commentators and analysts believe the re-arrest is a case of diversionary scapegoating politics intended to deflect attention away from the recently released UN Mapping Report that details widespread, systematic crimes committed by various state and non-state armed actors in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) over the time period of 1993-2003. The Rwandan army, allied with the late Laurent Kabila's Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo-Zaire (ADFL-CZ), was singled out as committing the most serious international crimes; crimes the report clearly states may constitute genocide.(7) Another potential factor in the targeting of Madame Ingabire is simply the regime's long-standing penchant for retaliating against all those who oppose them.

Madame Victoire Ingabire’s Crisis

Very shortly after Madame Ingabire returned to her home country of Rwanda in January 2010, she visited the Gisozi genocide memorial. Before she left the memorial, she publicly called for the prosecution of war crimes and crimes against humanity committed against Hutu in 1994, which is part of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda’s (ICTR) mandate.(8) She also said there should be a commemoration of Hutu victims killed during 1994.[9] As a result of her comments, she was arrested and accused of genocide ideology, divisionism and genocide denial as well as collaborating with the FDLR. She was granted bail on these charges but put under strict house arrest and constant surveillance. She could not leave Kigali by order of the judge. She also had to report to the local police headquarters regularly for interrogation.

In her re-arrest, the charges against her were amended. She is now also accused of participating in the formation of a new armed group to oppose the Rwandan government, the Coalition of Democratic Forces (CDF), alleged to be the armed wing of her political party. Mr. Jean-Bosco Gasasira claims this new charge is fabricated. He says the DMI conspired to invent the CDF and even issued fake “official” press releases to give the charges perceived legitimacy. These documents will be used as evidence against her in court.

According to Umuvugizi, “Secret services carefully planned Victoire Ingabire’s case. When the conspiracy was properly set, the plan was submitted to Kagame who accepted it. He immediately started to stress that it is not illegal to indict an opposition figure when they are guilty. He passed on the plan to the police and the prosecutor’s office so that they can start acting on it. Agent Uwumuremyi was already prepared to falsely accuse Victoire Ingabire of participating in the formation of the army group.”

Umuvugizi’s alleged inside source even stated that, “Victoire Ingabire will be given a slow killer type of poison that will put an end to her political career. At the same time, agents of special intelligence in diplomatic missions in Rwanda are working hard to convince ambassadors that Victoire Ingabire was part of the terrorist army group.”

Elections, the 2003 Constitution and Rwanda’s Democratic Deficit

Some of the original charges against Madame Ingabire stem from controversial amendments to the 2003 Rwandan constitution. The RPF has a pattern of consolidating their power during election years. They accomplish this by passing key legislative initiatives prior to the elections in order to create new laws that can be used as a means to further close off political space.

The 2003 presidential election legitimized Paul Kagame's position as Rwanda’s president in the eyes of the international community despite numerous elections observers uncovering widespread evidence of various forms of electoral fraud and rigging.(10) The 2003 elections formally established what some political scientists would term an “illiberal democracy.” Shortly after the 2003 presidential and parliamentary elections, the RPF replaced the 1991 Rwandan constitution by referendum on 26 May 2003. The new constitution made "denial" and "minimalization" of the 1994 genocide a crime punishable by law. References to ethnicity were removed and stipulated that any political party based on ethnicity or religion is prohibited. It set forth the crime of inciting "divisionism," which is often leveled against dissidents and political opponents who talk about or talk in terms of ethnicity in Rwanda. These terms are all very vaguely defined, allow for a great deal of subjectivity, and provide a potential soft power tool of oppression for the regime. These laws were legitimized through public diplomacy as part of the regime's national reconciliation strategy and, they claimed, to help prevent another genocide from taking place. The new constitution was adopted by referendum during the same general time period the (then) Chief Prosecutor of the ICTR, Ms. Carla del Ponte, was being forced out of her position at the United Nations due to political pressure applied by the United Kingdom and the United States. She was conducting investigations into crimes allegedly committed by the RPF in 1994 so that she could bring the perpetrators to trial at the ICTR.(11)

Rwanda’s State Institutions

In 2008, the RPF scored a resounding victory in parliamentary elections. The RPF-controlled alliance won 42 of the 53 directly elected seats in the lower house, the Chamber of Deputies. The remaining directly elected seats went to the Social Democratic Party, or PSD (seven), and the Liberal Party, or PL (four). Of the 27 seats that are not directly elected, 24 are set aside for women appointed by the National Women's Council, two to youth representatives appointed by the National Youth Council, and one to represent the disabled chosen by the National Disabled Council. The voting record of the PSD, PL, and the various appointed members of the lower house in matters of presidential policy show consistent voting with the RPF-led coalition. As a result, there is no opposition to any legislation designated as important by the president.

The members of Rwanda's upper house, the Senate, are not directly elected by the citizens. 12 are elected by provincial and sector councils, eight are directly appointed by the president (officially to ensure representation for marginalized communities), four are appointed by the Forum of Political Formations and two are elected by the staff of the Rwandan universities. Most individuals, members of the organizations and government institution officials that appoint/elect senators are either RPF party members or follow RPF recommendations. Naturally, the RPF currently holds the majority in the Senate and a democratic deficit is apparent.

Rwanda has a semi-presidential system with a directly elected president and indirectly elected cabinet headed by a prime minister. However, executive power, officially and unofficially, lies firmly with the Head of State, the president. The current Rwandan government system is highly authoritarian (some argue totalitarian). The president has the sole authority to appoint the prime minister and has executive power to dissolve the parliament. The president formulates executive legislation with the advice of his cabinet and trusted advisors then introduces it into parliament. Given the RPF-alliance majority, the fact RPF party members are bound by the Oath of Oneness and some parliament members’ fear the consequences of opposing RPF legislation, RPF power-holders, especially President Kagame, have the ability to push through legislation that tightens their grip on power and erodes the separation of powers with relative ease. Parliament members are deterred from debating bills and developing their own independent legislation, resulting in a lack of representation for the needs of all the Rwandan people, especially the primarily agriculturalist rural population, which is predominantly Hutu.

2008 Constitutional Amendments

In 2008, the RPF further solidified its grip on power by passing constitutional amendments that created the infamous and vague "genocide ideology" law, a law largely disconnected from the crime of genocide itself. The non-governmental organization (NGO) Article 19 claims the law is rendered illegitimate by international law on the grounds Rwanda ratified the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.(12) However, the treaty's protection can be restricted if there is a threat to national security, public order, and/or public health.(13) This is why those who are accused of genocide ideology are also charged with "divisionism" (the prosecutor claims the accused poses a danger of inciting ethnic-based political violence and thus constitutes a national security threat) and/or a charge that pertains directly to national security (aiding a terrorist group, etc.) to prevent the defense from using this argument in court. In addtion, the law has been used to charge people based on the fallacy of negative proof.

Some elements of the international community are very critical of Rwanda's genocide ideology law because of the fact it can be easily used as a way to stifle political opposition and dissidents. It was this law that was applied to some of the charges leveled against Madame Ingabire, opposition figure Mr. Deogratias Mushayidi,(14) and also against Professor Peter Erlinder, an American defense attorney who went to Rwanda to defend Madame Ingabire and was subsequently arrested. He was charged with genocide denial and posing a threat to national security. He was eventually released on medical grounds following enormous international pressure placed on the Rwandan government. However, Rwanda’s Prosecutor General, Mr. Martin Ngoga, has threatened to call upon Professor Erlinder to return to Rwanda and stand trial for genocide denial now that the exact terms of the immunity extended to him by the ICTR as a defense attorney are known.(15)

Due to international criticism, President Kagame’s government accepted a review of the genocide ideology law by international human rights organizations. Amnesty International, one of the reviewers, wrote a report heavily criticizing it as fundamentally flawed. Justice Minister Tharcisse Karugarama has stated that the government is going to alter the genocide ideology law, but thus far the Cabinet has yet to follow through.(16)

There is a rapidly growing realization by many countries that some Rwandans who sought political asylum abroad and are now accused of crimes and indicted by the Rwandan government back home are really innocent victims of politically-motivated charges. In many cases, the Rwandan government's requests for trial extradition have been refused on grounds that the accused will not receive a fair trial in Rwanda. For the same reason, the ICTR has, thus far, refused to transfer the cases of indicted individuals to be tried in Rwandan domestic courts.(17) However, the ICTR’s Chief Prosecutor, Hassan Bubacar Jallow, recently filed new applications for the transfer of three accused individuals to stand trial in Rwanda.

The Rwandan constitution was also amended so that the 1994 genocide must henceforth be referred to specifically as the "Genocide of the Tutsi," and thus set in law that the Tutsi are viewed as the true survivors and entrenched in constitutional law the government's version of exactly what they claim happened during 1994.(18) A rough template for this amendment was provided by the ICTR's unprecedented judicial notice of 2006.(19) By defining the political violence and genocide (a form of political violence) of 1994 in such explicit terms, the Rwandan government can stifle differing viewpoints on the subject and deter discussion, effectively preventing anyone from voicing scrutiny of the events of 1994. The amendment promotes self-censorship and aides in the closure of some political cleavages opposition parties can exploit. Anyone who claims that anything happened or did not happen according to the Rwandan constitutional version of history can be charged in Rwanda with genocidal ideology, revisionism, negationism, and/or other related charges. No discussion of any alleged RPF crimes committed during 1994 is allowed as a result of the amendment. To discuss these alleged crimes could result in being charged. (20) The amendments also act to deter would-be Rwandan witnesses testifying against the RPF in court. Additional implications of this amendment on Rwandan society and its effect on the country’s reconciliation efforts are many and beyond the scope of this article.

Another constitutional amendment in 2008 extended diplomatic immunity to all former presidents of Rwanda. This is intended to protect President Kagame from international prosecution via the French and Spanish arrest warrants that accuse President Kagame of crimes by international law. The French and Spanish courts are currently unable to try him due to his diplomatic immunity as a sitting president.(21)

Media and Rwandan Law

To augment these constitutional amendments, the RPF also pushed through a media law in May 2008. It allowed these amendments to be applied in an explicit way to Rwandan media outlets. The law defined very strict penalties for journalists found guilty of spreading "divisionism" in their writings and/or verbal statements. It caused self-censorship, restricted opposing viewpoints, led to the suspension of media outlets critical of the Rwandan government, and stifled freedom of speech. This provides the Rwandan government effective control over the framing and discourse of Rwandan ethnic identity, Rwandan history, reconciliation efforts, and news through pro-RPF and state-owned media outlets that dominate Rwandan communication mediums. Reporters Without Borders ranked Rwanda 169th out of 178 countries in press freedom for the year 2010.(22)

Rwanda’s Media High Council (MHC), formerly known as the High Council of the Press, was created by a 2002 law and presidential decree. The MHC is mandated to enforce penalties, suspend media outlets, and set the rules that allow media outlets to register and operate in the country. The MHC is comprised of a Board of Directors and an Executive Secretariat appointed by the Prime Minister and is "supervised" by the Ministry of Information. Both bodies are comprised primarily of RPF party members loyal to the party's Chairman, President Paul Kagame. The MHC's suppression of the freedom of speech was considered so flagrant and abusive of power that the United Kingdom recently suspended all of its funding for the MHC.(23) However, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) still provides funding.(24)

In the run-up to the elections, several government-critical newspapers, including Umuseso and Umuvugizi, were given a six-month suspension by the MHC and the Ministry of Information, officially for "defaming" President Kagame. The ban's length ensured these newspapers would not be able to publish during the elections period. Mr. Jean-Bosco Gasasira set up a website for Umuvugizi, but it was quickly and inexplicably shut down. A week prior, MHC Executive Secretary Patrice Mulama was quoted by the BBC Kinyarwanda service as saying that the paper could be “blocked” if it attempted to publish online.

Some journalists from the government critical media outlets, like Umuseso and Newsline Chief Editor Didas Gasana, fled the country following a police interrogation on April 26th and recieving numerous threats. His deputy editor, Mr. Jean-Leonard Rugambage, stayed in the country and continued to report news critical of the RPF. After writing a story alleging the Rwandan government was directly responsible for the attempted assassination of self-exiled General Kayumba Nyamwasa in South Africa, Mr. Rugambage was gunned down in front of his home on 24 June 2010. Rwandan police arrested two suspects for the murder. One confessed in court while the other man who allegedly planned the murder was set free in August following an appeal. However, some people still believe the arrests and trial were a staged affair and the real killers still roam free with impunity.

Other media figures were also targeted. The managing director of the Rwanda Independent Media Group, Mr. Charles Kabonero, also fled the country fearing arrest. Mrs. Agnes Uwimana Nkusi, editor of Umurabyo, was arrested on charges of sectarianism, discrimination, genocide denial and inciting hatred. She was captured trying to flee to the DRC after being informed Rwandan authorities planned to arrest her. It was the second time she was arrested on similar charges. She was first arrested in 2007 and sentenced to one year in Kigali's main prison, locally known as "1930," on charges of ethnic divisionism and libel after she published an op-ed on the topic of ethnic violence in Rwanda. A former Rwandan journalist, Mr. Dominique Makeli, was kidnapped by four Kinyarwanda-speaking men in Kampala who claimed to be policemen. Rwandan sources claim he was forced into a car and told they were taking him back to Rwanda. Mr. Makeli served several years in a Rwandan prison for being accused of genocide-related charges. However, he was never formally charged, denied habeus corpus, and eventually released due to lack of evidence. Shortly afterwards, he fled to Uganda. Few independent newspapers operated during the elections period. The few that did included Rushyashya, Umusingi, and Gasabo, but they increasingly practiced self-censorship according to local journalists.

The 2010 Election and Recent Legislative Initiatives

In the context of this article, Rwanda’s political climate in 2010 is not much different from 2003 and 2008 as it appears the RPF seeks to deepen its hold on power through the legislative system once again. In the pre-election period, members of parliament sought to pass a bill that would allow them powers to interpret the law instead of the Supreme Court. This legislation was tabled after a constitutional amendment was proposed that would allow "the authentic interpretation of laws shall be done by both Chambers of Parliament acting jointly after the Supreme Court has given an opinion on the matter..."(25)

According to research done by the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative (CHRI) prior to Rwanda’s admittance into the Commonwealth, few of Rwanda’s judges are independent and a constitutional amendment to Article 162 of 2008 put the National Prosecuting Authority under the Minster of Justice's purview and allows him to directly intervene in the prosecution process by giving specific orders if he wishes.(26) Most judges are members of the RPF party bound to loyalty by their Oath of Oneness. Supreme Court judges are appointed by the cabinet and approved by the Senate. In 2008, a constitutional amendment removed a Supreme Court judge's life tenure. As stated earlier, the Senate majority is held by the RPF. Rwandan sources claim that President Kagame, in his capacities as Chairman of the RPF and chief executive, is able to push through the cabinet's nominees with ease. Additionally, Rwandan sources who wish to remain anonymous claim judicial independence is also often compromised by the outside influence of President Kagame and other influential RPF members, especially when the case is a politically-related trial.

The Rwandan parliament currently has a full schedule of legislation. The schedule includes a debate over how to establish Rwanda’s Military University. There will also be a bill to amend the constitution that will be introduced into the lower house by two deputies of the small Ideal Democratic Party (PDI), Mr. Abbas Mukama and Mr. Omar Hamidou, that will abolish presidential term limits. His party is also tabling another amendment that would reduce presidential terms from the current seven year mandate to five years. The PDI is led by Sheikh Musa Fazil Harelimana, who was Vice President of the Electoral Commission during the 2003 presidential polls. Sheikh Harelimana was eventually appointed Governor of the Western Province and is currently the Internal Security Minister.(27) PDI member Al Hajj Andre Habib Bumaya fled Rwanda in March after a long-standing falling out with President Kagame.

Other Opposition Parties

The major difference between the 2003 and 2010 presidential elections was the presence of real opposition parties who, although two of them were unregistered because of political maneuvering by Rwandan state institutions,(28) openly challenged the RPF on several key domestic and regional issues. Following the 2010 election, many Rwandans expected the RPF to retaliate in some way against those who opposed them. Given the events that occurred during the run-up to the elections, there was great fear about how this retaliation would manifest, especially given that the retaliation is usually carried out with the principles of collective guilt and collective punishment.

The FDU-Inkingi was not the only party to challenge the RPF. The Democratic Green Party of Rwanda, comprised of many former RPF members, has many individuals that allegedly continue to receive threats from Rwandan security forces post-election. The party's leader, Mr. Frank Habineza, was forced to publicly appear weak as the result of a plan to humiliate and discredit him and the party. Rwanda's Minister of Education, Dr. Charles Murigande, threatened to take legal action over certain statements that were made if Mr. Habineza did not issue a public apology.(29) Dr. Murigande demanded Mr. Habineza publicly say the statements were false and he also had to ask all media outlets to immediately retract the corresponding statements he gave. With no political leverage and fearing harsher retaliation against himself and other party members if he did not cooperate, Mr. Habineza complied fully with Dr. Murigande's request.

Bernard Ntaganda Allegedly Approached by President Kagame

Another opposition leader, Mr. Bernard Ntaganda, Chairman of the Socialist Party (PS)-Imburakuri, is in a similar situation to Madame Ingabire. He is also in prison charged with genocide ideology, divisionism, terrorism, and organizing illegal public gatherings. He was denied bail. As the international community began putting pressure on President Kagame to stop oppressing opposition parties, Umuvugizi’s informant claimed that President Kagame allegedly devised a plan to approach Mr. Ntaganda and convince him to character assassinate Madame Ingabire. The alleged plan was to lure Mr. Ntaganda to the government's side as they allegedly did with other opposition politicians such as Senator Stanley Safari, who the paper claimed helped discredit members of their own parties in exchange for government posts. In the case of Mr. Safari, the RPF eventually turned against him. He was dismissed from his post as a senator after a gacaca court sentenced him to life imprisonment for allegedly killing Tutsi in Butare during 1994. He fled before the trial sentencing and is currently in exile.

The article stated Mr. Ntaganda was originally approached while he was in prison. He was asked to sign official statements apologizing to President Kagame and to publicly disown Madame Ingabire. The PS-Imberakuri party is allied with the FDU-Inkingi and the Democratic Green Party of Rwanda in the Permanent Consultative Council of Opposition Parties. In exchange, he allegedly was to be released from prison and rewarded with an important post in the newly elected government. The informant claimed that Mr. Ntaganda was called to the “1930” prison director’s office one night to meet with those in charge of convincing him. It is claimed that he was taken outside the prison several times as coercion to try and convince him. However, Mr. Ntaganda categorically refused to sign the statements. As punishment, he was transferred to solitary confinement under atrocious conditions.(30) He went on a hunger strike to protest and quickly fell gravely ill. Sources claim he was admitted to Kigali’s King Fasial Hospital.

Rwandan Politics

President Kagame constantly repeats to the press that it is not illegal to arrest and bring someone before a court of law who allegedly threatens national security. This statement was heard in his speech during the recent cabinet swearing-in ceremony. President Kagame seeks to convince the international community that the unregistered opposition parties are comprised only of individuals with questionable backgrounds that pose an imminent and serious threat to Rwandan national security and reconciliation efforts. He also feels that some countries are hypocritical for asking him to allow space for political opposition while they, in their own respective democratic countries, punish politicians who hold certain political views. Using the example of Dutch politician Geert Wilders, President Kagame said, “We know that they (The Netherlands) arrested a member of parliament because of his anti-Muslim views, but they condemn our arrest of those with genocide ideology?”

In Rwanda's political arena, one man, the Democratic Green Party of Rwanda's Vice President Andre Kagwa Rwisereka, paid the ultimate price for his oppositional political beliefs and convictions. Mr. Rwisereka’s nearly decapitated body was found near Butare on 14 July 2010. As with Mr. Rugambage's murder case, a suspect was arrested by Rwandan police but many people are skeptical of the investigation’s integrity. A number of official statements the Rwandan police made about Mr. Rwisereka's murder investigation have been soundly refuted.(31)

Whether Madame Ingabire and/or Mr. Ntaganda also end up paying the ultimate price for their respective political beliefs remains to be seen and the outcome is partially dependent on the actions (or lack thereof) taken immediately by individuals of good will, associations, NGOs, multilateral institutions and sovereign governments who categorically value freedom, democracy, and the rule of law for all. Now that the presidential election is over and the initial fervor caused by the release of the UN Mapping Report has seemingly passed, the so-called mainstream press no longer seems to be much interested in the small African country. However, political opponents and critics of the regime continue to be oppressed. It is not just experienced by an American lawyer and professor with the National Lawyers Guild and several law associations behind him. The majority of victims are Rwandan nationals who have limited to no resources. The international community and Rwanda's key donor/allied states have been shamefully silent post-election about the situation in Rwanda. Many donor/allied states still continue to support the regime in various capacities, allowing the state of affairs described in this article (the current status quo in Rwanda) to continue with impunity, sending the regime a message that they can continue to engage in these practices out of sight without fear of penalties. This is extremely problematic because sustaining the current political climate in Rwanda will sow the seeds for future conflict on a potentially large scale.

References:

(1) http://www.theproxylake.com/2010/10/leaked-secret-services-to-eliminate-victoire-ingabire/ . Accessed 24 October 2010.

(2) The original Uvuvugizi article written by Mr. Jean-Bosco Gasasira in Kinyarwanda is available at: http://www.umuvugizi.com/artviewer.php?ArtID=0000000303 .

(3) Mr. Gasasira was acquitted by the Kigali High Court in absentia of defamation and invasion of privacy in September following an appeal. He had already fled the country when the verdict was given.

[4] There have been numerous allegations that the Rwandan government has produced coached witnesses for trials. For some further information, see: International Criminal Tribunal of Rwanda. “ICTR-ADAD Submissions as Amicus Curiae.” Case No. ICTR-2000-551. The Prosecutor vs. Ildephonse Hategekimana. 10 April 2008. pg. 10-11; Reyntjens, Filip. “Expert Report for the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda.” Case No. ICTR-96-15-I. The Prosecutor vs. Joseph Kanyabashi. 19 October 2007. pg. 15-16; International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda. “Joseph Nzirorera’s Motion to Recall Witness BTH.” Case No. ICTR-98-44-T. The Prosecutor vs. Joseph Nzirorera. 3 March 2008; International Criminal Court for Rwanda. “Decision on Witness GFR’s Recantation of His Evidence.” Case No. ICTR-00-56-T. The Prosecutor vs. Augustin Ndindiliyimana, Francois-Xavier Nzuwonemeye, Innocent Sagahutu and Augustin Bizimungu. 10 February 2010. International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda. "Notice of Exculpatory Evidence and Potentially False Testimony." Case No. ICTR-98-44-T. The Prosecutor vs. Edouard Karamera, Mathieu Ngirumpatse, and Joseph Nzirorera. 22 February 2008. (Documents available upon request.)

(5) Rwanda is the second largest troop contributor to the joint African Union/United Nations Mission in Darfur (UNAMID). They have over 3,200 soldiers and police on the ground. Rwandan General Patrick Nyamvumba is the mission’s Force Commander. (African Union – United Nations Mission in Darfur. “Rwandan President Receives UNAMID JSR.” Press Release. UNAMID PR/010-2010. 2 March 2010. http://unamid.unmissions.org/Default.aspx?tabid=899&ctl=Details&mid=1072&ItemID=7929 . Accessed 25 October 2010.

(6) South Africa does not have an extradition treaty with Rwanda and both individuals have official refugee status in South Africa.

(7) The "leaked" and "official" versions of the report, along with the official responses of the governments of Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, can be found at http://www.friendsofthecongo.org/resource-center/united-nations-report.html .

(8) United Nations Security Council. “Resolution 955 (1994).” S/RES/955. 8 November 1994. pg. 2.

(9) “Rwanda Urged to Ensure Opposition Leader Receives Fair Trial.” Amnesty International. 28 April 2010. http://www.amnesty.org/en/news-and-updates/rwanda-urged-ensure-opposition-leader-receives-fair-trial-2010-04-28 . Accessed 24 October 2010.

(10) Mr. Kagame first became president in 2000, after (then) President Pasteur Bizimungu, a Hutu, endured a vicious “whisper campaign” and was heavily pressured to resign after becoming increasingly critical of (then) Vice President and Minister of Defense Kagame’s policies. (Sebarenzi, Joseph. “God Sleeps in Rwanda.” 2009. Atria Books, NY. pg. 148-149, 158-160, 207, 209.) Since he was appointed to the presidency of a transitional government, Mr. Kagame was not yet an officially-elected president with a government that had popular sovereignty (real or perceived) by the international community.

The following are important reports on the 2003 presidential/parliamentary or the 2008 Rwandan parliamentary elections:

A. Darby, Orrvar and Ingrid Samset. “Rwanda: Presidential and Parliamentary Elections 2003.” Norwegian Institute of Human Rights (NORDEM). December 2003. http://www.cmi.no/publications/file/1770-rwanda-presidential-and-parliamentary-elections.pdf .

B. “Rwanda: Run-up to Presidential Elections Marred by Threats and Harassment.” Amnesty International. AFR 47/010/2003. 21 August 2003. http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/info/AFR47/010/2003 .

C. “National Democratic Institute (NDI) Assessment of Rwanda’s Pre-election Political Environment and the Role of Political Parties.” National Democratic Institute. 22 September 2003. http://www.ndi.org/node/14548 .

D. “Preparing for Elections: Tightening Security in the Name of Unity.” Human Rights Watch. May 2003. http://www.hrw.org/en/reports/2003/05/08/preparing-elections .

E. “Republic of Rwanda – Final Report: Legislative Elections to the Chamber of Deputies 15-18 September 2008.” European Union Election Observer Mission to Rwanda. 26 January 2009. http://www.eueomrwanda.org/EN/Final_Report.html .

(11) Del Ponte, Carla and Chuck Sudetic. “Madame Prosecutor: Confrontations with Humanity’s Worst Criminals and the Culture of Impunity.” 2009. Other Press: New York, NY. pg. 223-239.

(12) The full text of the Convention can be viewed at: http://www2.ohchr.org/english/law/ccpr.htm .

(13) Article 19. “Comment on the Law Relating to the Punishment of the Crime of Genocide Ideology in Rwanda.” September 2009.
http://www.article19.org/pdfs/analysis/rwanda-comment-on-the-law-relating-to-the-punishment-of-the-crime-of-genocid.pdf .

(14) Mr. Mushayidi was acquitted of genocide ideology, divisionism, revisionism, and collaborating with a terrorist group (FDLR). However, he was convicted of being a threat to national security, inciting violence, and using forged documents. He was sentenced to life in prison on 17 September 2010.

(15) International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda. “Decision on Aloys Ntabakuze’s Motion for Injunctions Against the Government of Rwanda Regarding the Arrest and Investigation of Lead Counsel Peter Erlinder.” Case No. ICTR-98-41-A. The Prosecutor vs. Theoneste Bagosora, Aloys Ntabakuze and Anatole Nsengiyumva. 6 October 2010. (Document available upon request.)

(16) “Rwandan Cabinet Reviews Genocide Ideology Law,” Radio France Internationale. 11 August 2010.

(17) The Amnesty International report is available at:
http://www.amnesty.org/en/news-and-updates/report/vague-laws-used-criminalise-criticism-government-rwanda-2010-08-31 . An earlier report on the current shortcomings of the Rwandan judicial system written by Human Rights Watch can be found at: http://www.hrw.org/node/62098 .

(18) Government of the Republic of Rwanda. “Genocide.” http://www.gov.rw/page.php?id_article=19 . Accessed 24 October 2010.

(19) International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda. “ICTR Appeals Chamber Takes Judicial Notice of Genocide in Rwanda.” Press Release. ICTR/INFO-9-2-481.EN. 20 June 2006. http://69.94.11.53/ENGLISH/PRESSREL/2006/481.htm . Accessed 24 October 2010.

(20) Some of the Rwandan national ICTR defense investigators carrying out their official mandates were either intimidated or arrested and rendered unable to continue their work. (International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda. “ICTR-ADAD Submissions as Amicus Curiae: The Prosecutor vs. Ildephonse Hategekimana.” Case No. ICTR-2000-551. 10 April 2008. Pg. 9-10). Document available upon request.

(21) Government of the Republic of Rwanda. “Ex-presidents Given Immunity.” 18 July 2008. http://www.gov.rw/sub.php?page=print&id_article=23 . Accessed 24 October 2010.

Note:
Mr. Gasasira’s positive comments were made while he was not in exile and feared for his life if he challenged the regime.

(22) “Press Freedom Index 2010.” Reporters Without Borders. October 2010. http://en.rsf.org/press-freedom-index-2010,1034.html . Accessed 24 October 2010.

(23) House of Commons Debate. 7 July 2010. c353.
http://www.theyworkforyou.com/debates/?id=2010-07-07a.353.1 . Accessed 24 October 2010.

(24) United Nations Development Programme. “Rwanda: Programme for Strengthening Good Governance.” 2007. http://www.undp.org.rw/Democratic-project46259.html?id=112 . Accessed 24 October 2010.

(25) "MPs Seek Powers to Interpret the Law,” Edwin Musoni. The New Times. 11 February 2010.

(26) Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative. “Rwanda’s Application for Membership of the Commonwealth: Report and Recommendations of the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative.” August 2009. pg. 46. http://www.humanrightsinitiative.org/publications/hradvocacy/rwanda's_application_for_membership_of_the_commonwealth.pdf.

(27) “PDI Wants Presidential 7-year Term Reduced.” Rwandan News Agency. http://www.rwandagateway.org/spip.php?article797 . Accessed 24 October 2010.

(28) The PS-Imburakuri is an officially registered political party in Rwanda.

(29) Permanent Consultative Council of Opposition Parties in Rwanda. “Rwandan Opposition Calls for a Transitional Government of National Unity.” Press Release. 31 August 2010. http://rwandagreendemocrats.org/spip.php?article103 . Accessed 25 October 2010.

(30) For further information on conditions inside Rwandan prisons, see: Tertsakian, Carina. “Le Chateau: The Lives of Prisoners in Rwanda.” 2008. Arves Books: London, UK.

(31) “Rwanda: Allow Independent Autopsy of Opposition Politician.” Human Rights Watch. 21 July 2010. http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2010/07/20/rwanda-allow-independent-autopsy-opposition-politician. Accessed 24 October 2010.

Netherlands: Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza's Petition Signed by A Thousand!

By Colored Opinions
November 20, 2010

Members of the French speaking Reformed Church "Eglise Wallonne" in Leiden have initiated a petition for Victoire Ingabire in Dutch asking the Dutch government to do all that is possible to make sure that Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza's human rights are respected and her life is protected.

SOS! Mrs. Victoire Ingabire arrested and in danger

The Rwandan Victoire Ingabire is imprisoned in Kigali (Rwanda) and is being treated so badly that her life is in danger. We won't consider ourselves with the circumstances of her arrest, nor with the situation of the country. We want that her fundamental rights are being respected.

Petition:

We,

Church members and sympathisers for whom human life deserves to be respected in every actual situation,

note

that Victoire Ingabire (42 years, married and mother of three children) finds herself in a threatening situation in the prison in Kigali. She has, after having lived in the Netherlands for sixteen years, returned to Rwanda in january 2010 to help reconstruct the democracy of her land of birth. But she got arrested there mid october
and we

request that

You, the minister of Foreign Affairs, undertake steps that can lead to respect for the rights of Mrs. Ingabire and that her life is protected.

RWANDA'S JUDICIAL AMBUSH: MS. VICTOIRE INGABIRE'S SURPRISE COURT APPEARANCE

By Sylvain SIBOMANA
FDU-INKINGI
Secretary General

November 24, 2010

On 23rd November 2010 late afternoon, the incarcerated Chair of the FDU-INKINGI party, Ms. Victoire INGABIRE was taken to GASABO COURT HOUSE by surprise without prior information and no prior Court summons served to her defence counsel.

Today, the GASABO Intermediate Court informed by telephone the lawyer that the National Prosecutor requested a fresh hearing and that a Court summon for tomorrow 25th November 2010 at 08:00 is in force. It was not clear whether a Prosecutor's Motion for a 30-day extension of provisional detention has been submitted to the Court or not. According to the Rwandan criminal procedure law, a detained suspect is given a chance and time to prepare a defence petition. In this case, it looks more like a judicial ambush.

All the sources have confirmed that despite the official information claiming that the National Prosecution Authority has gathered overwhelming evidence against Ms. INGABIRE, they are not yet ready to press final charges any time soon. Instead we continue to witness intensive background deals involving house past staff and some FDU party members.

Other sources reveal suspicious activities involving a former FDU INKINGI party member in KIGALI City, Mr. Theoneste SIBOMANA, whose whereabouts are not clearly established since August 2010 and a member of the Party Social IMBERAKURI. The two individuals possibly travelling between Uganda and Rwanda might be used for fresh accusations related to terrorist acts and enter a set-up guilt plea deal drafted by Governmental Secret Services in order to soldier new evidence against incarcerated party leaders Ms. Victoire INGABIRE and Mr. Bernard NTAGANDA (Chair of PS IMBERAKURI).

The little hope for a fair trial in Rwanda for Ms. Victoire INGABIRE UMUHOZA and other political prisoners has totally vanished.

Related Materials:
RWANDA: THE PROSECUTOR IS DELAYING Ms INGABIRE'S TRIAL

DEBATE CONFERENCE ON THE SITUATION OF THE FDU INKINGI PARTY IN RWANDA

By Eugene NDAHAYO
FDU-INKINGI Support Committee
President

Brussels, November 22, 2010

On November 20, 2010 the FDU-INKINGI Support Committee organized an open debate- conference devoted to the following topics: evaluation of the 10 month-presence of the party in Rwanda and steps to strengthen the support for the party and its leadership; national unity and reconciliation; the future of the UN mapping report on war crimes and crimes against humanity or genocide crimes committed in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

Members of the Support Committee expressed serious concerns over the stations of the cross undergone by the FDU-INKINGI and its Chair, Ms. Victoire INGABIRE, since her return on January16, 2010, to register the party and ensure its implementation in the country. They recalled and condemned the tortures inflicted to Ms. Victoire INGABIRE UMUHOZA by General Paul Kagame's dictatorship: defamation, intimidation, harassment, physical and moral torture, her house arrest for more than six months and her imprisonment in inhumane conditions since October 14, 2010.

Despite all those barricades on the road to democracy, Ms. Victoire INGABIRE and her team managed to peacefully expose the true nature of the regime: a dictatorship dominated by the RPF state party, a one man's rule, jailing and eliminating physically, if necessary, political opponents and critical journalists. We are facing a regime that has crippled both the judiciary and the legislative, which has sealed off the political space and has stifled the civil society and especially the media.

Members of the Support Committee urge Rwandans loving democratic values to remain engaged and not give in before these systematic persecutions and imprisonments of opposition leaders, namely Ms. Victoire INGABIRE, Mr. Bernard NTAGANDA and Mr. Déo MUSHAYIDI. The time for change has come. Our fight is democratic and will overcome the regime by all non violent means.

Concerning unity and reconciliation, the Support Committee is convinced of the richness brought by the ethnic, regional and social diversity of the Rwandan people. It continues to believe that, given the gravity of crimes against humanity, only a fair trial can serve as a solid foundation for national cohesion. Reconciliation will be effective and will only be meaningful when it will involve all Rwandans, starting with the reconciliation between victims, held hostage today by extremists from both ethnic groups. Reconciliation will be possible when all parties will respect the victims' rights to grieve.

Regarding the recent UN Mapping Report on war crimes and crimes against humanity or genocide crimes committed in the DRC mainly by the Rwandan Patriotic Army on the Hutu refugees and Congolese people, the Support Committee urges the UN to do everything possible to create an urgent ad hoc international tribunal to try such crimes. Subsequent amendments to the status and competency of the already existing International Criminal Court in The Hagues (ICC) and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) in Arusha could be an option.

All the speakers renewed their admiration, sympathy and solidarity to the Netherlands based family of Ms. Victoire INGABIRE, the FDU-INKINGI Chair.

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Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza's Petition Signed by A Thousand!

Friday, November 19, 2010

UK aid to benefit Rwanda which is accused of acts of genocide in Democratic Republic of Congo

By Ambrose Nzeyimana
The Rising Continent
November 17, 2010

A persistent unanswered question has been on the lips of everyone who has been observing conflicts and politics in different parts of the world. What are the criteria the Department for International Development (DfID) follows to distribute British taxpayers’ money as aid to different countries? Unless you assume there are hidden pointers that ordinary Westerners aren’t allow to know, no one would understand for example how Rwanda led by Paul Kagame could be one of the favourite beneficiaries, knowing that its record of human rights abuse is unprecedented.

Let’s forget the UN/ Gersony report of October 1994 or the Garreton report of 1997 which, though covered up and therefore not followed up, documented killing of thousands of Hutu population the first in Rwanda and the second in Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). But the UN report published on October 1st, thanks to its leaking by the newspaper Le Monde a month earlier, accuses openly the Rwandan Patriotic Army and its AFDL partner in war of having committed acts of genocide in DRC. Since October 14th, 2010, the President of Rwanda has imprisoned Ms Victoire Ingabire, leader of FDU-Inkingi, an important opposition personality on Rwandan ring-fenced political space, and this occurring without any clear condemnation from the international community.

On the Mo Ibrahim Index Rwanda scores 47.2% and stands at no. 31 out 53 African countries. For a reminder, this index measures annually four parameters across the continent. These are safety and rule of law, participation and human rights, sustainable economic opportunity, human development. Overall the country has moved backwards by 2.2% from previous period of 2007/8. There has as well been a significant decrease in safety and rule of law by 8.4%, while in terms of sustainable economic opportunity, a 2.2% increase had been registered.

In its press freedom index, Reporters without Borders indicates that Rwanda was ranked 157th out of 175 countries in the 2009 listing. The country was featured among the four lowest African scorers of the record. Eritrea, Somalia and Equatorial Guinea were the only countries below Rwanda in the ranking. Transparency International has on the other hand referred to Rwanda as the least corrupt country in East Africa. But it is arguable because, according to the country’s critic, there may not be official corruption following the fact that Rwanda is a police state. As Transparency itself points it out, ‘it was unable to produce a comparison of how Rwanda’s institutions fared because reports of bribery were so low – and no Rwandan organization was included in the regional comparison.’ For example, the South African newspaper Sunday Times uncovered in February 2010 the case of two luxury jets worth around one hundred millions of US $ belonging to the Rwandan president, and this may only be the tip of the iceberg.

At a time of drastic measures that the British government is currently taking to deal with its massive deficit, very few departments have seen their budgets increased. International development is among the handful winners. Apparently the department budget is ring-fenced, but even there fundamental changes may be planned in its spending. Anne McElvoy, writing in The Evening Standard, seems to be sceptical about supposed changes. ‘Ring-fencing of spending of international development, (which) means that less rigour will be applied there than in other areas – and in a department whose inefficiencies are legendary in Whitehall,’ she argues.

It has been announced that aid budget will mainly focus on ‘fragile states’ such as Afghanistan, Pakistan and Yemen and other countries deemed important for Britain’s national security, with less for prosperous nations such as India and China. The aim is seemingly to tackle underlying problems, such as poor education, governance and healthcare, which are exploited by militants seeking recruits for terrorism acts. However, such prioritisation supposes that hopefully, there won’t be any recruit from Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi or Democratic Republic of Congo who will come to London to blow himself with other members of the public, since some of these countries could be as well called fragile states, when considered the total absence of political space for dissent voices.

Tim Whewell’s film, ‘What is the true price of Rwanda’s recovery’, which was shown on Newsnight in March 2010 on BBC Two, explained that whoever between Labour and Tories British political parties would’ve won the general elections, support to Paul Kagame’s regime would’ve remained. As for Britain’s role in supporting Rwanda, Mr. Cannon, British ambassador in Kigali, says that: ‘Although there are aspects of the country’s human rights that are not perfect – certainly we wouldn’t be here or doing what we’re doing if we didn’t think there was a commitment on the part of the government to the values we share.’ He points in particular to a shared commitment to pro-poor policies – thanks in part to British aid, the proportion of poor Rwandans fell from 70% of the population to 57% between 1994 and 2006. He however forgets to mention that in 1990, before the guerrilla war led by Paul Kagame, that proportion of poor Rwandans was according PNUD only 47%.

The particular treatment of Rwanda responds to a number of specific interests the country represents or defends for Britain in the Great Lakes region. French was replaced by English as national language, without any public consultation, despite the consequences of such decision on thousands of Rwandan public servants who had been educated in French for several generations. The Rwandan president was rewarded admission of his country to the Commonwealth though Rwanda and countries of the ex-British empire didn’t share any common heritage. Such admission maybe could’ve been tolerable at least if Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative and other human rights organisations hadn’t vigorously denounced the level of human rights abuse by the Rwandan president.

But this was without considering current cuts that the coalition government Lib. Dem/ Conservatives would impose to the British nation or the exposure to compelling evidence of Paul Kagame’s crimes to the public which had turned a blind eye on his excesses because of his country’s recent history. Despite an increasing and unprecedented record of abuses of human rights particularly against Rwandan politicians from the opposition, Kigali doesn’t look worried to loose the support of Britain, this even after the publication of the UN report on crimes committed in DRC. The fact of pointing an accusatory finger to Paul Kagame seems to have rather radicalised his attitude towards his opponent politicians: Victoire Ingabire from the FDU-Inkingi and Me Bernard Ntaganda from Socialist Party Imberakuri are paying with tortures and imprisonment for the frustration of the Rwandan president. But this may not apply for Andre Rwisereka, vice-president of the Green Democratic Party of Rwanda who was apparently assassinated by the regime’s handlers in July 2010 for political reasons. On this particular case, Kigali has refused an independent inquiry into the death of this politician, but instead imprisoned probably innocent people to calm pressing calls for justice.

At the Conservative conference held a few months ago, the issue of human rights in Rwanda was apparently raised but couldn’t find any ear ready to listen to the point of concern. Those who tried to highlight the question found it played down because Rwanda is seen as a flagship for Britain in the matters of aid to development. But what the whole picture of support to Paul Kagame doesn’t tell is how that provided financial support enables Rwandan authorities to get a hand on Eastern Congo mineral resources with the complicity of private companies based in Western countries, or to oppress and legally discriminate among its citizens, and spread internationally its propaganda of being a success story in the midst of an African continent marred with conflicts and all sorts of negative clichés. Another hidden reality was uncovered by UN experts on the consequence of aid in the Great Lakes region. They found that, for example in the case of Uganda, ‘(it) gave the Government room to spend more on security matters while other sectors, such as education, health and governance, are being taken care of by the bilateral and multilateral aid,’ asserts the UN report of 2001 on ‘Illegal Exploitation of Natural Resources and Other Forms of Wealth in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.’

In the light of current cuts, would British taxpayers continue to see their money which would have helped them or else to deal with ongoing tough times be spent as aid to development of dictatorial and oppressive governments such Rwanda, without asking pertinent questions to their leaders? I don’t think they would knowingly. As international aid budget is scheduled to increase during the current parliament, British public should be more attuned to asking from their ministers a minimum of criteria of human rights and press freedom, and democratic credentials, beneficiaries of British aid should comply with rigorously.

Thursday, November 18, 2010

Rwanda suspends two military judges who freed army general from house arrest

By Agence France Presse
November 18, 2010

NAIROBI-A Rwandan army general arrested in April and placed under house arrest for misconduct has been released, a statement said Thursday.

Major General Emmanuel Karenzi Karake, a former deputy chief of the United Nations-African Union peacekeeping force in Darfur, was freed after being pardoned.

"Karenzi Karake was yesterday (Wednesday) released and is no longer under house arrest," army spokesman Jill Rutaremara said in the statement.

"He has been facing a disciplinary sentence since April this year until his pardon by the military authorities."

Karenzi was arrested alongside former airforce chief Lieutenant General Charles Muhire who was accused of corruption.

The two generals were members of an exclusive circle of top military officers in the former Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) rebel movement which brought an end to the 1994 genocide.

They were arrested at a time when Kigali accused two former senior army officers exiled in South Africa of instigating grenade attacks in the capital.

The Rwandan army also suspended two military judges -- Brigadier General Steven Karyango and Lieutenant Colonel Marc Sebaganji -- for "unethical conduct," a statement said.

Military operations on FDLR not working – says group

By RNA Reporter
17 November 2010

Kigali: The successive military operations against Rwandan FDLR rebels have resulted into more suffering for civilians than dislodge the rebels from Eastern Congo, according the International Crisis Group.

“[FDLR] has been chased out of many mining sites it previously controlled, but the natural resources have not yet been brought under legitimate control,” said the group in a report.

The Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), is resisting forcible disarmament by forming alliances with Congolese militias that refuse integration into the national army such as the Mai Mai Cheka.

"Two years after the rapprochement between Congolese President Joseph Kabila and his Rwandan counterpart, Paul Kagame, government soldiers are still battling militias for control of land and mines," the Brussels-based organisation said, referring to DRC's Nord- and Sud-Kivu provinces.

The Congolese-Rwandan rapprochement has altered the balance of power in North and South Kivu, says ICG. The National Congress of the People (CNDP) – formally commanded by jailed Gen. Laurent Nkunda, has become to powerful in the east and threatens the social and political fabric which has existed there.

“The new influence gained by the CNDP is resented by leaders of other communities who fear that it will disadvantage them in the general elections scheduled for 2011-2012,” said ICG.

In the discussions which have been ongoing over the past two years suggest Congo agreed to tackle the FDLR, in return to be helped with settling the CNDP issue. Even last week, the DRC Defense Minister was in Kigali as a follow up on a similar trip to Kinshasa by Rwandan counterpart Gen. James Kaberebe within the same period.

The two sides expressed satisfaction that war on FDLR from all sides is working, a view not shared by ICG.

“But the limits of the politico-military approach designed in Kinshasa and Kigali have already been reached,” said ICG in its report.

Instead of improving, the humanitarian situation in the Kivus has deteriorated and violence has increased in a region plagued by various rebel and militia groups, the ICG said.

"Women and girls, particularly, have suffered the consequences of impunity and of a highly militarised environment in which rape is endemic," it said.

"Without a new strategy, the risk of inter-ethnic clashes, disintegration of the national army and regional destabilisation will become increasingly dangerous," said the ICG's central African director Thierry Vircoulon.

Related Materials:
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Military solution failing in eastern Congo: crisis group

RWANDA: ROAD MAP TO PEACE

By John Karuranga
President
Rwanda People's Party (RPP-IMVURA)
London, 11/11/2010

PRESS STATEMENT No. RPP/18-11/RRP-2/098/RG/JVK-10

Ref: RWANDA ROAD MAP TO PEACE

As you are aware, Rwanda has been going through political turmoil since 1960’s when it gained independence. Except for short and intermittent periods, the country has been a theatre of some of the most gruesome and unimaginable suffering in the world. This is best evidenced by the 1994 genocide in which over one million people died.

Despite the end of the genocide in 1994, the country has still not returned to a democratic and peaceful path. A government that was established by the Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) and led by Mr Paul Kagame, took office on a promise of restoring the country to democratic rule and national reconciliation. Despite the tremendous goodwill that this government had at the beginning, it has now become self evident and abundantly clear that the RPF, rather than being a solution to Rwanda’s problems, has instead become a major obstacle to peace and reconciliation in the country.

You would have noticed that the RPF has now established a one-party dictatorship. Freedom of the press and indeed of speech has been virtually abolished as Kagame consolidates his hold on power as a military dictator. In the recent elections held on 9th August this year, no opposition parties were allowed to participate. Political persecution, including state sponsored assassinations and terrorisms, have reached new heights leading to yet another exodus of refugees to neighbouring countries. There is now a real prospect of a new civil war breaking out in the country which, if it does break out, will lead to an even greater genocide than that of 1994?

It is still possible to avert the outbreak of yet another civil war and in our view, the Road Map to Peace that we offer is one such way. We offer this Road Map, in part to thwart often false and exaggerated claims in the western press about Rwanda’s recovery and of very impressive development. These reports are false and fail to come to grips with the reality that Rwanda is a very unsafe and destitute country and marred by corruption, a country in which people live in daily fear and killings and disappearances are routine. The economic recovery so lauded by the western press has not delivered any prosperity to the ordinary Rwandan as poverty is very much entrenched and endemic. The peace and national reconciliation that we all assumed would be the mantra or indeed the priority of any post-genocide regime has remained elusive. Thousands of children still live in shoddy camps in the most abject conditions, shut away from the prying eyes of foreigners. These are among 1.7 million orphans, children born through rape during and after the genocide, and street children displaced by the 1994 genocide. They are currently incarcerated in IWAWA Island. These children have no future, no hope, no dreams and no aspirations. The RPF has totally failed to provide even the basic of social care for them.

The probability of a new civil war breaking out in Rwanda becomes real by the day. Indeed, unless our proposed Road Map to Peace is adopted, it is likely that my party and other opposition parties may get sucked into such a civil war against our wishes and collective wisdom. It is therefore imperative that the international community acts now to induce peace rather than act post facto after the genocide has already taken place as it did in 1994. The most effective way to do this is by encouraging genuine reconciliation so that all Rwandan political parties can sit at a round-table and agree a minimum programme for rebuilding our country, averting civil war, facilitating the return of the refugees and repairing our relations with our neighbours.

Indeed if the International community had acted in a timely manner, the 1994 genocide would not have taken place. In 1986, my political party at the time, the Rwanda National Liberation Movement (RNLM), offered to enter into direct dialogue with the Habyarimana regime, supported by the then government of Mobutu Sese Seko in the then Zaire, but this never came to fruition. This is why we must now redouble our efforts by adopting our Road Map to Peace, which we believe can avert a bloodbath in our country, the effects of which would reverberate across the Great Lakes region.

We believe that we as Rwandans have a shared responsibility (political, religious, cultural and intellectual) for the suffering our people have been subjected to since the 1960’s and equally we have a shared and collective responsibility to change the situation in our country and create political space where there is pluralism, where political parties are inclusive and eschew xenophobia and bigotry and build national cohesion, compromise and reconciliation. We have to pull back from the brink of disaster and not repeat our tragic history. We need to create a new country where we can all live in in peace and work to build prosperity. In this new historic role, all of us, the politicians, intellectuals, the hard working people and the long suffering peasants have to join hands together and build a new future for our people and our children.

This will require fundamental change in our mindsets and ability and determination to manage our politics and affairs on the basis of genuine truth and transparent programmes that emphasise the factors that unite us as a people, rather than those that divide us on parochial or ethnicity grounds. We should not walk down again on the ethnic road that Kayibanda, Habyarimana and Kagame have led us,and which polarised our country and led it to ruin. We need our people to walk on a new road, and on the same side of the road and in the same direction.

Thats why my party has proposed the ROAD MAP TO PEACE along which all of us as Rwandans can walk and achieve healing and genuine reconciliation for all our people and so that we can play our role in our region as a proud, resourceful and respected people committed to building prosperity for our people and eradicating poverty in our region.

This is an appeal by the RPP – IMVURA to the international community as a result of which the international community including religious leaders and friends of the current Rwandan regime have taken some steps to get Mr Kagame and the RPF to enter into genuine peace talks with all of the parties in the Rwandan political spectrum, on the basis of our proposed RWANDA ROAD MAP TO PEACE dated 22/09/2010.

We thank the governments, civil society and religious organisations, and individuals who have and continue to facilitate this prospect for lasting peace in Rwanda.

Thank you!

John V. KARURANGA, President

RWANDA PEOPLES PARTY – IMVURA
LONDON/ UK
TEL: 00447985663922

Hungry for Truth, Peace and Justice