FDU-MN-INKUBIRI: OUR POLITICAL PROGRAM
The Rwandan history, be it good or bad,
is our own history.
We need to own it in its entirety.
Our role, our mission, is to write its
most beautiful pages.
I. Introduction
1. Where do we come from?
When we set up the United Democratic
Forces (FDU-Inkingi), we came from different political
backgrounds. The Forces for Democratic Resistance (FRD) and the
Rwanda Democratic Alliance (ADR) brought together people coming from the
opposition against the regime of the 2nd Republic,
members who were critics of MRND as well as of the current RPF
regime. The Rally for the Return and Democracy in Rwanda (RDR) was
composed of former members of the former MRND regime. In spite of
the differences, we were held together by the common desire to unite the
opposition and to offer Rwandan citizens a democratic alternative against RPF
regime in power since July 1994.
For a country which went through the
unthinkable such as genocide and other crimes against humanity, we sought to
fight sectarianism and exclusionism of all forms and construct a country
hospitable to all Rwandans in unity, freed at last from the fear of collective
extinction due to their ethnic or regional origins.
Today, it is worth noting that not
having first analyzed the causes of our different political positions before
the exile, responsibilities with regard to genocide and reasons behind the
political and military defeat of the fallen regime was obviously a pitfall and
accounts for the existing political divisions. We thought, which was
an error, that the sheer fact of working together and belonging to the common
opposition to the RPF regime while we previously had different political
commitments was in itself an asset.
2.What
are the results?
Presently,
we can congratulate ourselves that since our integration in 2006, as United
Democratic Forces (FDU-Inkingi) we have been the primary opposition force
against the current regime in Rwanda. As a matter of fact, among our greatest
successes, we demonstrated that the regime which touts itself as the one that
stopped genocide, in reality did nothing other than winning a war which it had
itself initiated a few years before the genocide. We made the
international community become aware of war crimes and crimes against humanity
committed by the current Rwandan regime in the Democratic Republic of
Congo. We documented and demonstrated the totalitarian nature of the
regime, illustrated by total closure of political space, assassinations,
imprisonment, exiling of the political opposition, journalists and the
independent media.
At
our expense, we did not take advantage of the diversity of our different
political, ethnic or even regional backgrounds to transform them into an
advantage of living together and of national cohesion. In spite of
the fusion, we did not succeed in creating one united political party with
shared values and ideology. Instead, we fragmented and we are now two different
political groups with two different sets of values, political ideology and
strategy. On the one hand, you have FRD and ADR groups together with
independents and, on the other hand, RDR groups and independents.
3. Two essential differences within our
Coalition
Of the differences that paralyse our
unity, two seem to be of paramount importance to us. The first difference is
the fight against sectarianism and exclusionism in all their forms that
one branch, that of FDU-Inkingi does not consider as important. Much worse,
this branch seems to consider Hutu’s unity as the main strategy of its political
struggle. The second difference relates to the recognition
of the genocide against the Tutsi. The latter which was expected
to constitute the frame of the founding values of FDU-Inkingi integration could
never achieve unanimity as to its accountability which rests first with the
former regime. One of the FDU founding parties, the RDR, preferring
to blame it on the extremists whom it hastens immediately not to identify or
preferring to exclusively attribute it (i.e. genocide accountability)
to the sole RPF, given the role played by its supreme commander, Paul Kagame,
in the shooting down of Habyarimana’s plane, which triggered genocide.
According to our point of view, the
common fight against dictatorship in Rwanda cannot constitute in itself the only
justification for our political struggle, the struggle which should control
alliances and political integrations that we seek to build up. There must be
especially a common background of values, of principles and shared vision that
guide our action. It is the reason why we do not believe in the old
story which seeks unity in the mere opposition to Kigali and in the Hutu’s
unity even less.
II. Foundations of our political
commitment
1. We
are part of the process and ideals of the 1959 social Revolution.
The
social Revolution of 1959 constitutes a major mile stone in our history.
Indeed, it radically changed Rwandans’perception in terms of their social roles
and functions and their newly acquired rights. For the majority of
Rwandans, in particular those with modest living conditions, socially
considered inferior and coming from the three ethnic groups Hutu, Tutsi and Twa
alike, the revolution meant a renewed sense of hope and an essential conquest
in terms of equal rights and equal treatment. For the first time, all
Rwandans achieved individual liberties, equality, private property rights and a
wide range of fundamental human rights irrespective of origin, ethnicity or
economic standing.
The fact that some of the revolutionary
ideals were later diverted by some politicians in order to rise to/or cling to
power changes nothing of their emancipatory nature and of the strong belief
held by the population in the ideals conveyed. On the contrary, it shows how political
power which is uncontrolled by citizens, runs the risk of being out of sync
with the people for whom, it is supposed to work.
2. We
recognise and condemn the genocide against the Tutsis
Genocide
is the extreme negation of the right to life for others that each and everybody
must recognise, empathise and condemn. In April, 1994, Tutsis living
in Rwanda were victims of genocide in what was referred to as the final
solution because they were made sacrificial lambs by a regime in crisis. It is
an important rupture in the social, cultural and political life of Rwanda and
Rwandans which will mark them for a long time. This tragedy must be
remembered and taught to future generations in order to prevent its
repeat.
Authors of this crime of genocide are
extremist politico-military groups of the former regime who ordered and
supervised it. They must also answer for political assassinations of
opposition figures during this period of genocide. Other co-authors of
these crimes are General Paul Kagame and those in the rebel chain of command
who ordered the downing of the presidential plane that killed
President Habyarimana, which in turn became the trigger that started the
genocide, reignited the war and, effectively put the Arusha peace process to
waste.
3. We
recognize and condemn crimes against humanity committed against Hutu
population.
Before,
during and after genocide, RPF rebels massacred thousands of Hutus in the zone
under their control. Even after taking power in July, 1994, such massacres
continued. The Kibeho massacres of April, 1995, in the presence of UN’s
blue helmets, remain a glaring example. In 1996, unspeakable massacres were
committed in hutu refugee camps in the Democratic Republic of Congo when the
new regime decided to attack refugees, pursue them and massacre them along a
2,500km stretch as the latter were fleeing. These crimes, yet qualified
as possible genocide by the UN, remain unpunished until now.
Crimes against humanity, just like
genocide, emanate from the same negation of the right to life to others. It is
the culmination of a total abandonment of respect of human values of inclusion,
recognition of the right to life to others. In much the same way, we owe
remembrance and sympathy to victims of these crimes. As for authors of these
killings, we must demand the same and extreme punishment.
4. We
reject sectarianism and exclusion
Ethnic exclusion and regionalism are the
two main origins of genocide and the exodus of Rwandans that followed it;
-these two left indelible scars on the Rwandan society. Twenty years
after the tragedy, it is worrying to note that speech focusing on the hatred of
the Tutsi or of the Hutu who endeavour to transcend all of those destructive
identities, is still present among the political parties or associations of
Rwandan exiles. While a discourse for Tutsi unity is taking place behind the
scenes of the autocracy in power, another discourse on the Hutu unity has taken
up residence in some opposition political parties or organisations. These
Hutu unity proponents are the same that do not accept any debate on genocide,
nor on the military and political defeat which is at the centre of their
present exile life. These groups are bent on muzzling the debate and seek
to perpetuate their domination on refugees.
Exclusionism is racism and racism kills.
It is for this reason that rejecting all forms of discrimination is at the core
of our political struggle. People should be judged on the basis of their
individual actions and those in power must make sure that all citizens are
accorded equal and equitable treatment before the law. In exile, refugees
must openly denounce political or social initiatives that advocate for the
rejection of others. Our future lies in unity and acceptance of one
another.
5. We
believe in concordance democracy as a prerequisite for Rwanda
In order to create objective conditions
for a political evolution and economic transformation free of sectarian
identity reflexes such as ethnicity, regionalism or religion, we believe that
concordance democracy can stabilise the Rwandan society from ideological and
political weaknesses existing within Rwandan political organisations. For this
reason, concordance democracy is a must.
Ultimately, however, the future of
Rwanda is in the acceptance by all, of the "one man, one vote".
Synonymous with universal suffrage, this principle implies that every adult of
voting age has the right to vote, regardless of gender, ethnic or regional
origin, religion or social conditions. No voice weighs more than the
other, all votes are equal. We know that the military- supremacist dictatorship
in Kigali is based on the denial of this principle. His refusal is based on
supremacist ideology that characterizes his regime and its hidden agenda of
maintaining social, political, and economic conditions favourable to only them.
This elite supremacist regime, because of its limited ability to mobilize the
Rwandan electorate beyond its original ethnic grounds, cannot survive in a
universal suffrage system. This ethnic or regional sectarian worldview is also
present in other political organizations fighting against the regime. This
elite promotes sectarian identities and is not capable of proposing an
acceptable national all-embracing political project.
We are convinced that Rwanda’s future
lies in the formation, the development and the consolidation of national and
democratic organisations capable of mobilising the electorate on the basis of
ideas and national projects of living together in harmony instead of
sectarianism. We are also at the same time conscious that, a country that
went through genocide and crimes against humanity cannot easily return to
majority democracy before this very society frees itself of these sectarian
tendencies especially ethnic identities that are used as a launch pad to gain
political power. The main worry being that once in power, these
identities can be used as instruments to exclude others from political
participation.
How do we then guarantee every
individual and group their right to exist and participate in public life, free
from fear of individual or collective victimisation at the whims of those with
power and their agents? How do we ensure the safety and rights of
all as well as minority rights of those who lived through the horrors of
genocide? How do we restore their confidence in a majority political system?
There is therefore a need to introduce, for some time, institutional
accommodation of political participation to reassure the minority that new
public institutions will not be used against them, to exclude and marginalize
them.
Add to this the fact that today in
Rwanda, leading the State is having the monopoly of the means of coercion and
of the public force (power), having state resources and affecting them
(assets); determining knowledge production and access to culture (knowledge).
In a country where the State is by far the largest employer, in a country with
a barely diversified economy, distribution of jobs, award of public contracts
and allocation of foreign exchange for import and export business gives the
party in power an exorbitant advantage and extraordinary influence on the
economy and on society in general. This party will do anything to stay in
power, relegating into oblivion political competition. The key remedy
against the fore-going is redistribution of power to be agreed upon, where
other political parties which normally would be in the opposition are partners
with the government to help stabilize and pacify the political system.
6. National
cohesion
Beyond tolerance, ethnic or regional
coexistence, we need to build national unity. That every Rwandan sees himself
as a human being equal to his neighbour, that he performs his duties and
exercises his rights as a citizen of Rwanda without any discrimination and that
he realizes his aspirations without that his ethnicity and/or region
can hinder his individual and social development. We need to confront and
manage the national tragedy of genocide and crimes against humanity. The wounds
are still deep and are far from healing. For our part, the reconstruction of
national cohesion has first to pass through the reconciliation process, which
includes:
1. At
the individual level, empathy and recognition of the suffering of victims and
their survivors, forgiveness and demand for compensation for damages from those
responsible for crimes, granting forgiveness by surviving relatives, and
reconciliation between survivors of these crimes from the two ethnic groups who
are now left to be exploited by ethnic extremists.
2. Collectively,
justice is necessary and the establishment of a Truth and Reconciliation
Commission similar to the one in South Africa at the end of apartheid, and the
establishment of a fund for survivors.
To
achieve true national cohesion, national reconciliation will not be enough on
its own. Public institutions, the business community and civil society, each in
its practice, must develop programs and mechanisms that will enhance the community
spirit security for all, human rights, equity, non-discrimination, equal access
to resources, education, employment, social connections and promoting common
values.
III.
Purpose, vision, values and goals
1. The purpose and the vision
a. The
purpose of our organization is to promote a project of society where citizens,
through institutions that are democratic, consensual, participatory,
reconciliatory and in solidarity with the present and future generations, fully
assume their individual and collective destiny.
b. Our
organization aims to become a unifying democratic political movement, known for
its ability to bring about national cohesion, fairly manage public affairs and
work towards the process of African integration.
2. Values
a. Rule of Law
The rule of law is defined as an
institutional system in which the government and its officials and agents as
well as individuals and private entities are accountable under the law. The
laws are clear, publicized, stable, and just. Laws are applied
evenly and protect fundamental rights, including the security of persons and
property. The process by which the laws are enacted, administered, and enforced
is accessible, fair, and efficient. Justice is delivered timely by competent,
ethical, and independent members of the justice system.
To avoid arbitrariness, the separation
of powers and the existence of independent courts constitute the material
elements of the rule of law. It also implies that legal issues are equal
according to legal standards. No one is above these legal standards and each
rule derives its validity from its compliance with the highest laws of the
land. In a country like Rwanda, which is ruled by a dictatorial regime in which
the executive has hijacked the judiciary and uses it to get rid of its
opponents, the struggle for the rule of law is also the fight against
oppression.
b. The right to life, integrity of the
person and his safety
Genocide and massive crimes against
humanity are the absolute negation of the human person. Eradicating this
requires that everyone, starting with public authority respect the right to
life, personal integrity and safety. We have to reinstate the sacredness
in our respect of the foundations of the human beings which have collapsed during
the tragedy that befell our country and to reaffirm the sacred character and
the inviolability of human life. In a country where state officials have used
the authority and power conferred by this status for ordering the systematic
killing of a national group, individual rights against the public authority
must be given to individuals or citizen groups to guard against the excesses of
any authority that might be tempted to reproduce the humanitarian tragedy that
we experienced.
c. Duty of memory
The Rwandan genocide and crimes against
humanity that were committed in Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo
have left indelible traces in people's memory. It is criminal to deny or
relativize the absolute tragedy suffered by the victims and their surviving relatives.
These people, Hutu as well as Tutsi and Twa now constitute a specific category
to which we must recognize the particular suffering, render justice and repair
the harm suffered even though it would only be partial. In order to prevent
such a humanitarian catastrophe from happening again in our homeland, we,
FDU-MN-Inkubiri, are committed to defend against all odds, the absolute right
to life for all and to keep the candle burning in memory of all victims.
d. Individual autonomy
It is the ability and the right of the
individual to free creativity, to take care of his/her problems, to identify
and pursue his/her destiny, to decide and respond (responsibility) for his/her
own actions. Individual autonomy establishes democracy as an institution of
all, because when all individuals are equal, they get involved in the
management of the society. Due to a centralist and authoritarian political
culture which led to generalized conformism and blind obedience to the regime
“Irivuze umwami”, our organization recognizes as a right, the resistance
against the oppression which pushes the individual to denounce any State,
policy, any ruler who violates the humanity of the human person and the
empowerment of the citizen's rights.
e. Tolerance and respect for others
Respect is accepting the other and
recognizing their differences as equal to oneself. The difference may relate to
aspects of identity such as ethnic or regional origin, but also cultural
aspects such a religion or gender. Tolerance means to accept that your freedom
ends where that of the other/others starts. To recognize the other is to fight
against the various forms of violence and sectarianism induced by cultural or
social labelling. To recognize the other is to establish mutual relations
imprint of respect and supportive of the living together.
f. Solidarity
Solidarity implies recognizing and
taking into account ongoing inter-dependencies that link the different social
classes, rich and poor, families, generations and even individuals. Solidarity
induces social justice. We are not born with the same fortune and life does not
always ensure equal opportunities. That’s why our organization is fighting for
fairness and strongly believes that every human being is entitled, regardless
of circumstances, to a decent life based on sufficient resources and their
equitable distribution.
g. Popular participation
Ownership and confidence building of
citizens in democratic institutions require citizens to directly control and
inspire actual exercise of power. It is essential that each individual, at all
levels of society, become aware of their rights and duties. To do this, our
organization is committed to recognizing and incorporating into the
Constitution the people's initiative as a constitutional right. This is the
power given to citizens to exercise directly, along with the Parliament and the
Government, their share of sovereignty.
h. Pan-Africanism
The dignity of the black people or
simply put, the dignity of all human beings, African independence, the
abolition of all forms of discrimination, equal rights and liberties, promoting
the quality of life and unity of African people, are the foundation of
Pan-Africanism. When African people were fighting for these values, the fathers
of African independence sought to liberate Africa from colonialism, to end
western domination of Africa, to counter the balkanization and fragmentation of
Africa into powerless national mosaics. They advocated for a full African
integration, political and economic, in order to finally create a United States
of Africa which would be a global key player. In today’s era of globalization
and global integration, where the role of the nation-state shows its
limitations, the Pan-Africanist project is even more relevant if Africa doesn’t
want to remain at the periphery but rather participate in influencing
proactively the great cultural, political and economic events worldwide. With
regard to Rwanda, a country that has experienced the horrors of genocide and
crimes against humanity, Pan Africanism brings a new approach to dealing with
these problems with a larger multicultural and multiethnic dynamic.
I. Sustainable development
Our organization attaches great
importance to the equitable and sustainable management of natural resources and
environmental conservation, as well as stabilising of the ecosystem degraded by
human activity. This means that, for solidarity with future
generations to whom we must leave resources for their own survival, all policy
decisions must be subjected to an assessment of their medium and long-term
effects on ecological stability, the common good and the future of human
society, the Rwandan society in particular.
3. Main objectives
a. Put in place a regime of
consensus democracy
The political system that we advocate
will be characterized by democratic renewal of a reconciled nation with a real
sense of belonging felt within state institutions and in all sectors of
national life, and people identify themselves with ideas or policy options,
social, economic, cultural and environmental issues instead of vertical
identities such as ethnicity, clan, religion or region.
Drawing lessons from the Rwandan
humanitarian tragedy, public institutions, especially those concerning national
sovereignty and public security, will be built in a way that their leadership
and composition reflects the diversity in our national identity.
b. Create conditions for an
all-inclusive national dialogue.
We will do our utmost in this respect to
engage all the stakeholders in a highly inclusive Rwandan national dialogue.
This dialogue will bring together representatives and leaders of all
stakeholders and all political actors as well as the civil society.
This dialogue will devise all conflict
preventive measures (guca inzigo no kwunga) that are required at all levels:
institutional, socio-economic, political and cultural. It will be the guarantor
of Rwanda as a nation having become once again a tolerant society capable of
managing its socio-economic development that is sustainable and better
shared. This dialogue will be held in an atmosphere where there
are no taboos, and major national problems and challenges will be discussed in
an open way and then establish a political process as well as the rules for
participation in public life, rules that can ensure a hospitable country for
all Rwandans to finally agree the basic elements of an institutional framework
for sustainable management of the state.
c. Put an end to impunity and create the
conditions for fair and impartial justice
Our political organization will strive
to achieve impartial, independent, fair and restorative justice. If the need
for justice to achieve reconciliation is crucial, a fair and equitable justice
requires that it not be used as a tool for muzzling political opponents or does
not discriminate between victims, or favor one class of criminals from another.
We will ensure that judicial
institutions establish all truth about the Rwandan genocide and all associated
crimes, establish individual responsibility, and punish those found guilty
without discrimination and award compensations to victims or their families. In
the daily life of the nation, we will put in place the principle of the
presumption of innocence until proven otherwise, and we shall do away with
collective criminal culpability of a national group over another.
d. End discrimination and ensure equal
opportunities for all Rwandan citizens.
We shall put in place constitutional
provisions as well as an institutional framework and preventive measures
against all forms of discrimination among Rwandans and ensure that there are
deterring mechanisms to avoid the same within the different spheres of Rwandan
society. This is intended to make each and every one of us feel secure and
reassured of exercising his political and civil rights, in the participation in
production of national wealth and in the equal access to the fruits of that
wealth.
e. Repatriate and rehabilitate refugees
We will make every effort to create the
conditions for effective repatriation of all Rwandan refugees without
discrimination. This will be done on the basis of voluntary return
and we will ensure their effective integration into the economic, social,
political and cultural life. We are committed to putting in place a system of
governance accompanied by other measures that will end the cycle of forced
exile life of Rwandans, with each change of political regime.
f. Restructure the national economy
We will create conditions for a
fundamental restructuring of the national economy in a sustainable way to allow
citizens equal access to means of production and credit, the two effective ways
to the continuous creation of individual and collective wealth. Particular
emphasis will be put on creating non-traditional forms of employment where
Rwanda has comparative advantages or where such advantages can be built.
Examples are in the areas of transport, finance, insurance and hotels industry,
micro-mechanics, electronics and information technology. For that, very
substantial resources will be spent on education and vocational training.
Our political organization will create
the conditions for a fair and equitable distribution of the national resources,
respectful and supportive of the right to participate in activities related to
workers' rights and national solidarity. We will implant in Rwanda
necessary conditions for it to fully integrate politically and economically
into the region and the continent as a whole.
g. Contribute to regional security and
African integration
An African state which in this day and
era chooses to ignore concerns and views of others has no chance to defend its interests.
The power of multinational companies is such that no African country,
individually, can resist their economic or political power.
The Fathers of African Independence had
realized very early on, the importance of African cooperation and integration
as factors that would strengthen the political, economic and cultural weight of
each country individually and the continent as a whole. No African country is
able to identify emergencies and develop strategies to successfully tackle
global challenges of depleting fossil fuels, water resources, climate change
and global ecological crises, food security, international migration, security
and geopolitics. Today, in a globalized world, where weak states and small
countries are not heard, African integration, both economic and political, on
the basis of broad regional groupings, becomes a necessity to enable Africa
make its voice heard in world affairs.
Given its favorable Geo-linguistic
position, centuries-old history of a nation-state and even the quality of its
workforce, Rwanda is sitting on hidden strengths and comparative advantages to
integrate or merge politically, economically and culturally in a broader
entity.
This Political Program was approved and
updated on December 28th,
2014 in Brussels (Belgium).
For the FDU-MN-INKUBIRI Executive
Committee,
Eugene NDAHAYO, Chairman
Contacts: +32465551485; inkubiri1@fdunm.com
posted by Mamadou Kouyate @ 10:09 PM
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