Howard French Is Right On Rwanda's Paul Kagame
By Nkunda Rwanda
Cry For Freedom In Rwanda
January 13, 2013
Our
ancestors were wise to note that "the truth crosses the fire without
burning." The truth is slowly but surely catching up with Kagame who has
built his political legitimacy on pure lies. His record is sinister as this
latest gem by the Howard French, a Columbia professor and an-ex journalist with the New York
Times shows. The piece has an equally befitting title: The Case Against
Rwanda's President Paul Kagame.
I
will quote a few of the indicative phrases but I urge you to read the piece for
a more contextual understanding. You will not be disappointed.
"Leading
observers say the reevaluation of Kagame and his legacy is long overdue. Filip
Reyntjens, a Belgian scholar whom many consider the world’s foremost expert on Rwanda, describes Kagame as “probably the worst war
criminal in office today.”
"In
an interview, Reyntjens told me that Kagame’s crimes rank with those
perpetrated by former Iraqi president Saddam Hussein or Sudanese leader Omar
al-Bashir, who is wanted by the International Criminal Court on charges of
genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity."
"Theogene
Rudasingwa, a Tutsi who was appointed Rwanda’s ambassador to Washington after
serving as an officer in Kagame’s army, puts it bluntly: “If you differ
strongly with Kagame and make your views known from the inside, you will be
made to pay the price, and very often that price is your life.”
"Kagame
tightly controls the country and its citizens through the Tutsi-
dominated
Army and the Rwandan Patriotic Front, the country’s dominant political party.
Throughout Rwanda—in every town and tiny village—the RPF is present,
not unlike the Stasi in East Germany during the Cold War. While a town may have a Hutu
mayor, under Kagame’s system government officeholders have little authority
compared with the RPF representatives who work in parallel to them and often
pull rank."
“The RPF saturates every aspect of life in Rwanda,” said Susan Thomson, a longtime Rwanda expert at Colgate University. “They know everything: if you’ve been drinking, if you’ve had an
affair, if you’ve paid your taxes.” Everything is reported on, Thomson says,
and there is no appeal."
"Pointing
to the origins of the war and its bloody aftermath, Scott Straus, a political
scientist at the University of Wisconsin, said: “An honest analysis ... would show that the
reasons for what happened were much more complicated than the idea that the
Hutus hate the Tutsis and want to wipe them out.”
"For
one thing, there is abundant evidence that Kagame’s forces in the early days
carried out targeted executions of the Hutu elite, followed later by much
larger extermination campaigns that killed tens of thousands of people."
"A
year after the genocide had ended, blood was still being spilled, recalls
Timothy Longman, then the country director for Human Rights Watch. “People
would take me around and say, ‘There’s mass grave right over here,’ and you
would ask, ‘From when?’ And they would say, ‘Just from a few weeks ago—not from
the genocide,’” says Longman, who now directs the African Studies Center at Boston University."
"Furthermore,
the report estimated that the RPA killed between 15,000 and 30,000 people in
just four of its survey areas in the summer of 1994. Years later a key member
of Gersony’s team told me that the real number of Hutus killed during this
period was likely much higher, but that a low estimate had been published
because of fears of a political backlash within the U.N. so soon after its
failure to stop the larger-scale killing of Tutsis. “What we found was a
well-organized military-style operation, with military command and control, and
these were military-campaign-style mass murders,” the team member told
me."
"(In
one notorious incident in April 1995, the RPA attacked an internally displaced
people’s camp in Kibeho using automatic weapons, grenades, and mortars. A team
of Australian medics listed more than 4,000 dead when the RPA forced them to
stop counting. France’s leading researcher on the region, Gérard Prunier, estimates that at
least 20,000 more people from the camp “disappeared” after the massacre.)"
"The
case of Victoire Ingabire, a politician from the opposition, was instructive.
When she returned to Rwanda that year, having lived 16 years in exile, to
prepare a run for president, her first stop was at the official genocide
memorial. “We are here honoring at this memorial the Tutsi victims of the
genocide. There are also Hutu who were victims of crimes against humanity and
war crimes, not remembered or honored here,” she said in a prepared statement.
“Hutu are also suffering. They are wondering when their time will come to
remember their people. In order for us to get to that desirable reconciliation,
we must be fair and compassionate towards every Rwandan’s suffering.”
"Ingabire
was promptly arrested and accused of “genocide ideology.” During her trial,
President Kagame publicly declared that she was guilty."
"As early as 1997, the U.N. estimated
that Rwandan forces had caused the deaths of 200,000 Hutus in Congo; Prunier, the French expert, has since estimated
that the toll is closer to 300,000. According to the U.N. report, these deaths
could not be attributed to the hazards of war or to collateral damage. “The majority
of the victims were children, women, elderly people and the sick, who were
often undernourished and posed no threat to the attacking forces.” The report
concluded that the systematic and widespread attacks, “if proven before a
competent court, could be characterized as crimes of genocide.”
"Two
years ago, Kagame delivered a lecture in London on “The Challenges of Nation-Building in Africa: The Case of Rwanda.” When confronted with a U.N. report that was then
making headlines with the suggestion that his forces had committed genocide in Congo, he dismissed such allegations as “baseless” and
“absurd.” Clearly he was keener to talk about economic indicators and repeat
the oft-told success story of his country."
"But
even that is a truth with modification. Social inequality in Rwanda is high and rising, experts say. Despite an average
annual growth rate of about 5 percent since 2005, poverty is soaring in the
countryside, where few Western journalists report without official escort."
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