Hungry for Truth, Peace and Justice

Rwanda: Dealing with the reality, achieving common ground, and betting on the future

By Jean-Baptiste Mberabahizi
Democracy Human Rights
November 11, 2008

Comment to Colette Braeckman's article titled: "DRC: The failure of the International Community as well".

On October 9th, 2008 Colette Braeckman published in the Belgian newspaper "Le Soir" and posted on her website a shocking article titled "DRC: The failure of the international community as well".

In this article, Colette Braeckman raises the current civil war in the DRC in the eastern province of North Kivu and proposes the solution. Briefly, here is how she poses the problem:

The problem

"When the Mobutu regime, pressured by the International community, agreed to host the perpetrators of the Rwandan genocide and their fellows, the Rwandan regime felt entitled the right to invade the DRC province of Kivu so that it can chase away its strenuous opponents."

The solution

"Hunt down the Hutu genocidaires and send them home in Rwanda or elsewhere, neutralize the Tutsi rebel Laurent Nkunda, seal off the DRC boundaries , and halt the looting of the DRC mineral resources."

In my opinion, Colette Braeckman is deadly wrong both on the root cause of the current DRC civil war and obviously on her proposed solution.

About the problem

The presence in the DRC of what Colette Braeckman calls "Hutu genocidaires" is a direct consequence of the military coup which put the RPF on power in Rwanda. Up to date, the RPF continues to spread lies that its decision to take power by force in Rwanda was directly linked to its willingness and determination to end the Rwandan genocide in 1994.

This baseless argument does not stick at all since every Rwandan knows that the Rwandan genocide of 1994 was not the cause of the Rwandan civil war which began in 1990. Instead, the Rwandan genocide of 1994 was a direct consequence of the Rwandan civil war which spanned from 1990 to 1994.

In addition, the Rwandan genocide was triggered by the terrorist attack against the Rwandan presidential aircraft on April 6th, 1994. Numerous reliable sources attest that this terrorist attack is the triggering event of Rwandan genocide and that it was ordered and executed by the RPF.

In 1994, the RPF was indeed in a desperate need of a strong argument so that it can resume the Rwandan civil war which had been ended by the Arusha Peace Agreement signed between the RPF and the Rwandan government on August 4th, 1993.

The RPF wanted to resume the war because the application of the Arusha Peace Agreement would have lead in just 22 months to democratic elections and the RPF was strongly convinced that there was no way it could have won these elections.

The RPF was in great fear of a strong coalition that would have emerged between MRND, MDR, and PSD political parties before and/ or after these elections. This great fear was somehow real: in neighboring Burundi, the political party of Pierre Buyoya (UPRONA) had just lost the democratic elections.

On one hand, the RPF back-up base in Burundi, the second largest back-up base both politically and militarily, was in great danger of being wiped out. On the other hand, well-informed sources suggested that in Rwanda, MRND, MDR, and PSD political parties were gaining key allies in neighboring Burundi. That is why the RPF decided to halt the implementation of the Arusha Peace Agreement by resuming hostilities in Rwanda.

On April 6th, 1994 the RPF fired two missiles, shot down the Falcon 50, and killed at scene two African Heads of State: the Rwandan president Juvenal Habyarimana and the Burundian president Cyprien Ntaryamira.

This terrorist act achieved two goals. Firstly, by killing the Burundian President Cyprien Ntaryamira, the RPF halted, at least temporarily, the democratic process in Burundi and stabilized its back-up base in this country. Secondly, by killing the Rwandan president Juvenal Habyarimana, the RPF triggered the resumption of the Rwandan civil war and at the same time halted the implementation process of the Arusha Peace Agreement.

In the aftermath of signing the Arusha Peace Agreement, the RPF deliberately resumed the recruitment of new combatants long before the April 6th 1994 terrorist act. In strong violation of the Arusha Peace Agreement, these new RPF recruits were enlisted in the APR late in March 1994.

The consequences of this enlistment are well-known: crimes of genocide, collapse of the Rwandan government, exodus of 2.5 million Rwandans to Tanzania, then to Burundi, and finally to the DRC, which alone received more than 1.5 million Rwandan refugees in its two eastern provinces of North Kivu and South Kivu, provinces that are up to date war torn. Moreover, from 1996 to 1997, the RPF continued to track the ex-FAR inside the DRC in order to exterminate them and install its allies in Kinshasa.

To achieve this goal, the RPF massacred at least 200,000 Rwandan refugees inside the DRC. It even tried to conceal evidence for these mass killings by burning victim corpses and scattering the ashes away in the forest and/ or in the river. Such a sinister plan was thwarted when a revolutionary Congolese, the late Laurent-Desire Kabila, took power in the DRC and decided to restore the sovereignty of the land.

In August 1998, the RPF launched a new war aiming at not only completing the installation of its allies in Kinshasa, but also to prevent any international criminal justice inquiry into its role in the DRC, given the extent of war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by its army. Some of these crimes had already been documented by an investigation team established by the UN Secretary-General. This new proxy war in the DRC made it possible for many survivors of the Rwandan refugee massacres of 1996 and 1997 to stand up and defend themselves against this strenuous common enemy.

The birth of the FDLR is a direct consequence of the RPF sinister plan in the DRC. That is the origin of the current proxy war in the province of North Kivu. In other words, the origin of the current DRC civil war is in Kigali not in Goma or in Kinshasa. Sooner or later this problem will be solved.

This problem is the result of the RPF refusal to face free democratic elections in Rwanda. It also is the result of the RPF inability to handle the actual state of Hutu-Tutsi problems in Rwanda. Indeed, the RPF regime has been trying to underestimate and ignore the existence of such Hutu-Tutsi problems in Rwanda.

In Rwanda, there are nearly 85% Hutus and 14% Tutsis. Democratic elections in Rwanda would probably give back the power to a "Hutu" movement.This analysis has always been in the RPF calculations with regard to plausible results of democratic elections in Rwanda. The RPF suggests that such results simply denote "confusion between the ethnic majority and the political majority."

Since 1993, the RPF estimates that such results would inexorably relegate it to the opposition for an indefinite period of time. Indeed, this is the case for the UPRONA of Pierre Buyoya in neighboring Burundi since the democratic elections of June 1993 and 2005.

This also is the case in South Africa where democratic elections have thrown the National Party of De Klerk (now renamed the Democratic Alliance) in the opposition since 1994. That is root cause of the current DRC crisis in the province of North Kivu.

About the solution

A democratic government is urgently needed in Kigali. In my opinion, it is obvious that a democratically elected government in Kigali would not need to sponsor armed groups in the provinces of North and South Kivu.

In addition, such a democratically elected government in Kigali would refuse to offer back-up bases to any Congolese armed groups, including the one belonging to the Tutsi rebel Laurent Nkundabatware, whose rebellions would shortly die off by themselves. Concerning the Rwandan armed groups, including the FDLR combatants, a democratically elected government in Kigali would not be afraid to directly discuss with them.

Direct talks between these combatants and the democratically elected Rwandan government would set up new relationships under which the armed struggle would be meaningless. These armed groups would not have any reason to refuse to face justice in Rwanda, should some of their combatants have to respond for their acts, just as any other Rwandan in similar situation would have to, especially the RPF members who are accused of several crimes, including crimes against humanity.

A democratically elected government in Kigali would provide impartial justice for all Rwandans without any discrimination. Therefore, there would be no need for such a democratic government in Kigali to request that these combatants be sent "elsewhere".

Their home is in Rwanda. That is where they belong and no where else. Most importantly, it is up to the Rwandan people to judge their fellow citizens, and not to anyone else. With numerous uncertainties and political machinations mostly owing to regional and international geopolitics, the international community can only offset the inability of the RPF regime to create suitable conditions for a fair and impartial trial in its own courts.

A realistic approach


Anyone who is still skeptical towards such an approach should take a closer look at what the CNDD-FDD accomplished in neighboring Burundi. One should also recall that Burundi represents a good specific example because both Rwanda and Burundi share the same ethnic composition of their populations not to mention a similar dark history of sporadic ethnic cleansings.

The CNDD-FDD painfully but straight forwardly negotiated with the rebellion movement PALIPEHUTU-FNL. Interestingly, beyond all expectations, a peace deal is about to be concluded, simply because the CNDD-FDD is not longer afraid to face the PALIPEHUTU-FNL in democratic elections.

Let’s make it clear: the Hutu factor does not and will not absolutely play any role between the CNDD-FDD and Palipehutu FNL Burundian supporters. These political parties have the obligation to play modern politics. Their respective leaders, including the FRODEBU leadership, will have to propose to the Burundian Hutu voters something smarter than the length of their noses during the upcoming electoral campaigns. That is the right solution to their current political deadlock. Everything else is none other than a patch on a wooden leg.

The DRC crisis cannot be solved without taking into account its root causes that are in Rwanda. Westerners should always be aware of some misleading statements that usually characterize the RPF rhetoric. Claiming to neutralize the Tutsi rebel Laurent Nkundabatware without neutralizing his sponsors, including the RPF government in Kigali, which founded this rebellion and continues up to date to provide him with both fighters and logistics, is nothing else than pulling the wool over the public opinion's eyes.

With regard to the current political deadlock in Rwanda, it is important to recall that for several centuries to come, there will be a majority Hutu and minority Tutsi as it has always been in the Rwandan history. The RPF will not have any other voters than the Rwandan people.

It is therefore, up to the RPF to change its ideology and practices, a metamorphosis that will require that the RPF become less Tutsi but more Rwandan. That is the only way which could allow the RPF to face with confidence democratic elections that are regularly held in civilized countries.

Concerning the ethnic composition of the Rwandan population and the political mind set of the Rwandan voters, these two parameters are not prone to any change in the near future. The Republic of Rwanda will always be inhabited by a majority Hutu and minority Tutsi. Given such a situation, the RPF cannot indefinitely run away from the democratic elections. It must have the courage to face them right away.

Should the RPF lose these elections, it will have to learn from its mistakes of the past. It is now time for the RPF to get ready for the upcoming political defeat, rather than attempting, without any perspective of political reforms in the near future, to delay these democratic elections. Sooner or later democratic elections will be held in Rwanda.

That is the way the Rwandan history course has been drawn and nobody can change it. People who are still skeptical about such a realistic approach should take a closer look at South Africa where the white racist regime has done everything it could in the past to delay democratic elections by denying the voting rights to the black people. The white racist regime already knew that black people (the majority) would likely vote for a political movement mainly composed of black people.

Fortunately, there was not much the white racist regime could do about this ethnic composition of the South African population and this situation will undoubtedly last several centuries to come.
What would then the white racist regime have done to keep its head above water? Continue to be stubborn by fear of losing democratic elections? Continue to spread proxy wars in neighboring countries, under the umbrella of waging the war against the communism system, and establish a huge protective shield, spanning from Namibia to Mozambique not to mention Zimbabwe and Angola?For how long the white racist regime would have blocked the actual course of the South African history?

That is what Frederick De Klerk thoroughly understood and I strongly believe that this is probably why he won the Nobel Peace Prize that he shared with Nelson Mandela. That is also why the ANC needs a comprehensive plan that would improve the quality of life for all South African black voters besides the credit it already enjoys for having successfully fought against the apartheid.

The stake could not be higher for the ANC. It must address the social concerns of all South African people, create jobs, provide lands, decent housing, affordable healthcare system and access to higher education, etc. rather than selling out the fact of being a “black” movement.

Interestingly, that is exactly what Pierre Buyoya of Burundi has come to realize lately. Actually, there is no doubt that Pierre Buyoya deserves strong respect from the Burundian people, despite his many terrible mistakes of the past and strong disagreement from his own party leadership.

In Rwanda, one can still delay the opportunity to alleviate the sufferings imposed to the Rwandan people. However, one should keep in mind that such an attitude does not mean that the Rwandan history will not ultimately relegate the RPF into the opposition for an indefinite period of time.

Therefore, it is time for the RPF to lift its many blockades to such a great opportunity in the Rwandan history. That is how the eastern DRC might regain its lasting stability. The time for proxy wars in DRC is over. It is time for the RPF to cope with its weaknesses and humbly accept the change the Rwandan people have been waiting for.

It is time for the Rwandan people to stand up and request for a secured RPF hideout in the opposition. Unless the RPF accept to play modern politics, it will not escape from this unfortunate fate. Keeping running away from this process by intensifying headlong rushes denotes a political anachronism of a failed regime.

Unfortunately, such an attitude inexorably prolongs the sufferings of the Rwandan people who are desperately begging for help. Tenacious memories still rime in so many Rwandans who survived the RPF atrocities. Therefore, the more the RPF will intensify its headlong rushes, the longer will be the time it will have to spend in the opposition.

In the 2010 Rwandan presidential elections, the RPF will have one more chance to make up its mind set for the common good of the Rwandan people.

posted by Mamadou Kouyate @ 7:25 AM