Does Truth Matter in Burundi Crisis?
By Deo Lukyamuzi
May 19, 2015
the dust has settled, can we have some truths as to the events in Burundi that
culminated in a failed coup d’état this past week of 11th May. I will leave the legal quandaries of whether
by contesting in another presidential election President Nkurunziza is violating
any constitutional provision to experts who can in a calm and professional way
enrich the debate without choosing sides.
melee, I found a few outbursts rather annoying and for that matter, they
deserve some barbs. A one Bernard
Maingain all the way from Belgium, a lawyer and wanna-be expert on Great lakes
affairs, reported that there were FDLR (Interahamwe) operating in Burundi on
the side of President Nkurunziza and his CNDD-FDD party. In Fact, Mr. Maingain went ahead and sent an
urgent message to the UN headquarters calling on the international body to
intervene and prevent a possible genocide.
Before I was done sighing, out of fatigue due to the abundancy of quack
experts on all things African, the same claim surfaced from Rwanda, and then it
was re-echoed all over the place including coup plotters who even after their
project fizzled, insisted that
Interahamwe must leave Burundian soil.
to the UN’s Peace, Security and Cooperation (PSC) Framework Report released
last March, there were an estimated 1,900 strong FDLR still holding out in the
DRC jungles half of whom, actually had weapons. That being the case, why in all our wild
imaginations should we believe that President Nkurunziza would seek the
intervention of a rag tag militia to fight his battles when he has a
well-equipped army, police and even CNDD-FDD Youth wing-the Imbonerakure who
can and actually, did the job? President
Nkurunziza is not known to have an erratic personality to the contrary; he is
quite an analytical mind.
disservice that those who are quick to make wild accusations and others who buy
into them hook, line and sinker, is to distort an important pre-occupying
question and replace it with salacious accusations
that only appeal to lazy minds and those with hidden agenda at the expense of a
whole country’s future. There were no
FDLR in Burundi and the dispute in Burundi is a political one rather than an
ethnic one. Of course there are those
who get paid to distort but, in this Burundi case I am not terribly
disappointed their narrative came to naught.
Bensouda. Fatou Bensouda is the hot
prosecutor at the International Criminal Court (ICC) at The Hague. Before we
even knew who was winning between the coup plotters and coup defenders, Fatou
was no one to be left out of the action.
She came swinging like the legendary head teacher with a big stick in
the Taro Affair. Fatou Bensouda issued a
warning to President Nkurunziza of possible prosection for some form of crimes
–Really! The poor guy was not even in the country and his political life was
hanging by the thread never mind his personal security, but Bensouda felt it
urgent to issue warning before she could even crystallise the prosecutable
nature of the possible allegeable crimes.
That is kind of futuristic.
point to an international conspiracy against President Nkurunziza as some in
his circle have alleged? Why else would
otherwise competent people and organisations make accusations and dire warnings
before they even gather sufficient evidence credible or fictive before their
Of the four
other heads of state who went to Tanzania in the quest to work out a possible
resolution of the crisis, it is only Presidents Kikwete and Kenyata who can
counsel Nkurunziza with a semblance of any moral higher ground. President Museveni of Uganda actually changed
the constitution to allow himself to stay in power as long as he wants. What used to be two five years presidential
term limits were transformed into termless and as we speak, he is slated to
stand again in 2016 for another five years which will take him painfully close
to 80years old; -talk about Mugabe having company.
As for Dr.
Kagame Paul, regardless of prophesies of Andrew Mwenda, professor of Kagamean
Studies at the independent, who god-knows from where, deduced that Kagame
should reign until 2032, Kagame has no lessons to give to Nkurunziza. It is rather to the contrary. Campaigns are underway at full speed in all
villages in Rwanda, local RPF leaders are cajoling peasants to sign petitions
‘pleading with parliamentarians to amend the constitution to allow Kagame to
stand again’ and, ‘begging the president to not go but stay and steer the nation
with his steady hand’ as, ‘no one else in the country can do such arduous
task’. Actually, even with all this on-going chaos, there is still more freedom
of speech, of assembly and expression in Burundi than there is in Rwanda. So Kaguta and Kagame please, if you keep your
advice to yourselves, it will certainly be more useful.
As for the
international Community represented by UN and US, the Barundi and the rest of us in the region
will be better served if you spoke proper English that majority of us will
comprehend rather that the habitual ‘we urge all parties to act with restraint
and resolve their misunderstanding in a responsible manner’. Prince Clemens Von Metternich once referred
to such statements as loud sounding nothings.
No leader has succeeded another leader peacefully in Rwanda's history
pre-colonial Rwanda, the unification process of Rwanda as we know it today was
achieved by large through extermination of defeated hutu kings. To keep this
memory of violent end for the former leaders, the Nyinginya royal drum (first
Rwoga and then Karinga), symbolizing their power, was dressed with
"ibikondo", the genitals of the defeated kings. Under the Nyiginya
dynasty, a reigning Mwami had to die before a new one could be enthroned. Mwami
Mibambwe Rutalindrwa was burnt with all his family and followers at Rucunshu.
colonial Rwanda, Mwami Yuhi Musinga was deposed by the Belgian colonialists and
sent into forced exile in Congo where he died. Mwami Mutara Rudahigwa died in
office in controversial circumstances in Burundi. Mwami Kigeli Ndahindurwa was
deposed by the people in a referendum while in forced exile where he still
post-colonial Rwanda, President Kayibanda was deposed by a military coup d'Etat
and died of mistreatment under house arrest. President Habyarimana was
assassinated when his plane was shot down by two missiles fired by an RPA
squad. Interim President Sindikubwabo died in the Congolese jungles along with
hundreds of thousands of hutu refugees exterminated by RPA invading forces
there. President Bizimungu was forced to resign and was jailed.
post-Cold War Rwanda, the incumbent President Kagame took power by force, rules
by force and wants to rule for life in a system that blocks the Hutu majority
from participating into national politics in the name of preventing genocide,
since they are held globally responsible and are even expected to ask for
forgiveness even for those who were not yet born when it happened.
is poised to go through other painful times before that tradition of political
violence is uprooted.
RDC: TRISTE REPETITION DES MASSACRES DES REFUGIES RWANDAIS
Le camp des réfugiés hutu de Kirama
été brulé par les FARDC et RDF
Par Charles Ndereyehe
Commissaire chargé de
l’Information aux FDU-Inkingi
le 9 Mars 2015
Depuis le déclenchement des opérations de l’armée
congolaises « contre les FDLR » le 24 février 2015, des informations alarmantes
nous parviennent, faisant état de crimes de guerre et de crimes contre
l’humanité. Des voix de plus en plus insistantes avec des images à l’appui,
font état de destructions à l’artillerie lourde et brûlis systématique des camps de réfugiés rwandais
au KIVU. Ces opérations dirigées par le général Bruno Mandevu
seraient conjointement menées avec l'appui des contingents militaires venus du
Certaines sources parlent de massacres de plusieurs centaines de
réfugiés rwandais et des citoyens congolais à BIBWE-MASISI, KIRAMA-RUTSHURU,
CHAHI, KIWANJA. Les congolais de la région des VIRUNGA, frontalière avec le
Rwanda, affirment avoir vu une infiltration massive des troupes fraiches
rwandaises lourdement armées ; ceci confirme les informations reçues de Kigali
faisant état de rappel sous les drapeaux des réservistes et des démobilisés
recyclés intensivement à Kanombe-Kigali pour être envoyés au front en RDC.
Les FDU-Inkingi déplorent que les droits de l’homme soient
vraisemblablement valables lorsqu’ils coïncident avec les intérêts des grandes
puissances qui siègent au Conseil de Sécurité. Cette nouvelle guerre, qui se
déroule loin des cameras en l'absence d'organisations humanitaires, rappelle à
bien d’égards les tristes massacres des réfugiés rwandais par des opérations
combinées des rebelles des AFDL et de l’armée du FPR en 1996-97. Ces exactions
ont été largement documentées par le rapport Mapping Report. Selon ce rapport
des Nations Unies, certaines exactions pourraient être qualifiées de crimes de
génocide. Pour bien assoir le régime du FPR, certains pays qui se réclament
champions des droits de l’homme, s’étaient pourtant voilés la face pour
affirmer cyniquement que les réfugiés rwandais rescapés de ces massacres
étaient tous rentrés au Rwanda. Il a fallu le courage de certaines
personnalités comme Mme Emma Bonino, Commissaire européenne à l'action
humanitaire, pour découvrir plus de 200.000 réfugiés fantômes abandonnés à
eux-mêmes à Tingi-Tingi.
Les FDU-Inkingi réitèrent qu’aucune solution militaire en RDC ne
peut apporter des solutions durables à la crise politique rwandaise. La
persistance des réfugiés et les diverses formes de rébellions qui en découlent
sont en effet le résultat de la marginalisation politique et économique d'une
couche de la population rwandaise. La résolution durable du conflit rwandais ne
peut être réalisée qu’à travers un dialogue inter-rwandais hautement inclusif
(DIRHI). Ce dialogue doit inclure toutes les parties prenantes, y compris les
différents protagonistes, tant à l'intérieur qu’à l'extérieur du pays, armés ou
non, ainsi que des représentants des confessions religieuses et de la société
civile. A travers ce dialogue, les représentants des diverses composantes
s’accorderaient sur des mécanismes constitutionnels et des arrangements
institutionnels de gestion du pouvoir qui rassureraient et sécuriseraient tout