There Is No Military Solutions To Political Problems

By MUJYANAMA
June 10, 2009

Also available in French.

Fifteen (15) years after the Rwandan genocide of 1994 and nineteen (19) years after the Rwandan civil war of 1990, a non-negligible portion of the Rwandan population does neither have a place to live in their home country nor rights in many western power's foreign policies.

In January and February 2009, a joint military operation “Umoja wetu” between the Rwandan army (RDF) and the Congolese army (FARDC) was launched in the Province of North Kivu (DRC) with the specific mission of tracking down Rwandan Hutu refugees, some of which have joined the FDLR rebellion.

The official goal for "Umoja wetu" operation was to disarm these combatants and force them to return home in Rwanda. Since the operation “Umoja wetu” has failed, attentions are now turned to the Province of South Kivu where a similar military operation, “Kimya II” is underway with the same specific mission of tracking down Rwandan Hutu refugees who just await their voluntary repatriation in dignity and tranquility.


Meanwile, the Congolese people continue to pay for a political deadlock whose solutions are not military but political.
Mujyanama, a citizen of Rwanda, contributed the following pertinent analysis of the endless crisis in the African Great Lakes region and proposed some solutions.

MK/HTPJ
=======
IN RWANDA


The fate of Hutus repatriated to Rwanda from DRC

Most of the Rwandan refugees who have been “voluntarly” repatriated from DRC during the operations “Umoja wetu” and “Kimya II”, are women, children, and the elderly. Usually, it is the UNHCR that transports them to Rwanda. Once in Rwanda, they spend a few days in a transit camp and are then sent to their home villages with an insertion kit.

When these people leave the transit camp, the camp authorities call the RPF agents in the village of destination for theses returnees. The camp authorities ask the RPF agents whether they are willing to accept the returnee's arrival. If the answer is no, the police officer will immediately proceed by arresting these returnees and put them in prison, accusing them of having participated in the Rwandan genocide of 1994.

Some of these returnees manage to make it to their home land. However, since for many of their houses have been destroyed, most of these returnees end up living in "small houses" that the government has built along the roadsides.

Women refugees returning to Rwanda from DRC are subject to extensive harassments and intimidations mostly owing to the fact that in Rwanda there is a saying that "he who kills a snake must also kill that snake’s youngsters".

For instance, in the former Commune of Cyimbogo, the RPF soldiers have recently falsely accused and unjustly imprisoned two young men, Niyibizi, son of Rwanzegushira, and Kaze, son of Nyandwi.

Following this unfortunate incident, a representative of Ibuka gave a speech that frightened local populations:

“In the past, the Tutsis have dominated the Hutus, so must also be it until this very day!”

Concerning the FDLR fighters who decided to return home, their fate is still uncertain: some of them ended up in prison.

Demobilized RPF soldiers and demobilized FDLR rebels have different ID cards. On the ID cards of the latter it is written that: “He distanced himself from the rebels”.

This is why some of these repatriated refugees are returning to the Congo.

The Gacaca courts still pose problems

In Rwandan prisons, prisoners are mercilessly packed up. The prisoners are massively dying in prison on a daily basis. Families of prisoners are no longer allowed to bring food to their imprisoned relatives. People continue to be unjustly arrested. The “gacaca courts”, traditional tribunals, that judge Hutus accused of genocide, are supposedly aimed at bringing about Truth and Reconciliation in Rwanda.

In reality the Gacaca courts have become instruments of repression for Tutsi revenge against the Hutus with the financial and moral support from the International Community.

The Gacaca Courts were supposed to end in late 2007, but their mandate has been prolonged up to June 2009. They still deal with allegations of property damage during genocide.

Through the Gacaca courts many Hutus have been expropriated but on top of that corrupted genocide Tutsi survivors are now in process of appealing several court rulings so that the acquitted Hutus can once again be imprisoned.

The Gacaca courts absolutely seek to convict those Hutus who have been already released from prison. Specifically, Hutu elites are the main targeted. These are Hutus who worked for the former regime. These Hutus have always lived in Rwanda without being harassed. Some of them have been even working for the RPF.

In Rwanda anyone who thinks, anyone who can share his/her thoughts, becomes a danger to the public. These people are targeted by the Rwandan authorities who usually manage to silence them and set them aside.

The Rwandan President Paul Kagame knows very well that the majority of the people who are routinely arrested in Rwanda on genocide charges are innocent.

In order to hold on power, the Rwandan authorities rely on arbitrary massive imprisonments of innocent people.

Recently, the Director of Human Rights Watch (HRW) in New York wrote a letter to the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), based in Arusha, Tanzania, and asked him to also address the crimes committed by the RPF soldiers.

The Rwandan Minister of Justice ironically responded by saying that it would be a tautology, because the RPF criminals, have been already prosecuted in Rwanda.

Stay silent otherwise die or become slaves

People who have parents or children abroad, particularly refugees in Congo, are persecuted, in order to force their family members in exile to return home.

The RPF agents with the specific duty of identifying those families require the “nyumbakumi”, local leaders controlling just ten (10) households, to directly report to these agents if there are any opponents among the ten families under their control.

The list of opponents is transmitted to the military leadership. At night, RPF spying agents spend sometimes near the residential homes of these alleged opponents, listening to their conversations or their phone calls.

If they notice that they were talking about their exiled relatives or talking with them on phone, they arrest them. The alleged opponents who dare to leave their homes after 8:00PM will be severely beaten up.

Selected by the President of Ibuka, the “Intore” (the chosen ones), have a fundamental task of constantly terrorizing the population in preparation of the 2010 presidential elections and specifically to submit the names of the people who have family relatives in the Congo and to monitor their movements and conversations.

They are supposed to provide daily reports on what they heard behind closed doors. Other spying agents cross the Kivu Lake at night to Bukavu in order to capture some information about the FDLR.

In each cell (also called Akagari), there is a leader responsible of death squad. The main duty of this leader is to physically eliminate opponents.

On May 7, 2009 in Cyato Sector, a meeting took place. The meeting was chaired by a representative of Ibuka. To the meeting, only Tutsis born to a Tutsi father and a Tutsi mother were invited. There were more than two hundreds people including the leaders of Ibuka and the leaders of death squads in each Sector.

Here is an excerpt of their concluding remarks:

"All those Hutus you know to harbor bad ideologies, and those believed to be physically strong, must have a file of participation in genocide and get arrested. Those who have lands or money, they should quickly be imprisoned before the elections take place. We will start by arresting two persons in each sector, the following week we will arrest four, within a month, eight, and so on, until all of them have been arrested. They have to work for us in land managements, field works on our hills, or build our houses. The Hutus are physically strong. If we do not imprison them they won’t be able to work for us as Tigists (from the French acronym TIG: Travaux d'Interets Generaux or Works of General Interests). The Gacaca courts must be reinstated, so that the Hutus who have never been imprisoned be arrested and that those who have been released be imprisoned again."

A population impoverished and intimidated

Bullying looms throughout Rwanda. Every Rwandan is afraid to express his/her opinion on any situation even within close friends.

In April 2009, during a visit to Byumba, President Kagame said that:

“whoever is unable to follow his instructions, has to leave the country, and that he who diverts public funds will be imprisoned”.

Paradoxically, it is the smal group of people that run the country that are incredibly accumulating wealth beyond any measure.

In schools, during break times, the Tutsi students associate themselves according to their social classes. Their whispers usually worry the Hutu students. Such associations of ethnic character among students in Rwanda are surely not aimed at fostering justice and reconciliation.

Although the institution of the “mutual healthcare” system guarantees primary health cares, the gap between rich and poor people is widening on a daily basis.

In Kigali-City the small houses belonging to the Hutus i.e. the poor people, have been destroyed to make room for the villas, and these Hutu people had to leave the city towards rural areas with a meager compensation.

No small venders are allowed to sell goods on the roadsides, and many small shops are going out of business because of too high taxes. Peasants have been forced to cut down their banana plantations under false allegations that banana consumption may cause malnutrition.

Instead, it is through banana plantations that the ordinary Rwandan family gets some cash.

Even among the Tutsis, the Banyamulenge from DRC, those of Burundi origin, and those who have always lived in the country, briefly all those who do not belong to the English speaking group that came from Uganda, are increasingly getting marginalized. Any one who wants to do the right thing is threatened and pushed aside.

A regime that enjoys international support

Despite the unspeakable levels of social injustice in Rwanda, the International Community continues to use the double standards, two sets of rules and continues to support the Kigali regime.

There are numerous signs:

-During all those years of civil war since October 1, 1990 too much blood has been shed from one side to the other: why then labeling some people as victims and the other ones as perpetrators, instead of promoting a process of genuine investigation of the facts in truth and justice, so that all Rwandan children can rebuild their country together?

-Why didn’t we see any follow up about the two arrest warrants issued, one by the French Judge Bruguiere against nine senior leaders of the RPF, and the other one by the Spanish judge Merelles against forty officers including high ranking official close to Paul Kagamé?

-While the RPF-Inkotanyi used child soldiers during their conquest war in Rwanda, why up to date no international institution has expressed any concern about this issue?

-Why the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), whose mandate is to investigate all crimes committed in Rwanda and neighboring counties from January 1, 1994 until December 31, 1994, has only prosecuted the Hutus?

-Why the USA has long supported the rebel Laurent Nkunda affiliated to Rwanda, whose soldires in two years of war in North Kivu, has killed so many people and has displaced nearly two million people?

-Upon the publication last December, of the UN report on the Rwandan aggression in the Congo through Nkunda's forces, the Netherlands and Sweden have suspended budgetary aid to Rwanda. Why didn’t other donors do the same?

-The December 2008 agreement between the Congolese President, Joseph Kabila and the Rwandan President, Paul Kagame has made it possible to arrest Nkunda so that the FDLR track down in North Kivu can begin in January 2009.

-The International Community supports these military operations and refuses to listen to the voice of helpless Hutu refugees in DRC: they are hunting them down. Are they all killers? What about the children born in the DRC in exile, the young people born in Rwanda but who were children in 1994, women, elderly and many adult people, who were also victims of the Rwanda civil war?

IN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO (DRC)

After “Umoja wetu” in North Kivu, “Kimya II" in South Kivu

In North Kivu, during the operation “Umoja wetu” (our unity), which was launched on January 20, 2009 and officially ended on February 25, 2009, there was no fightings between the FDLR combatants and the Rwando-Congolese coalition soldiers.

The FDLR were good at ambushing the coalition soldiers in order to delay their inward progress and has fought only once in February at Katoyi in Masisi territory, when they suddenly became surrounded by the coalition soldiers. There were many dead and wounded among the Rwandan troops and very little among the FDLR combatants.

Even though the Rwandan authorities have stated that the operation “Umoja wetu” was a succes in 80%, the FDLR are still there. The FDLR have moved further inward in the forest. They are now scattered in several groups and very few of them have returned home in Rwanda.

Currently, a similar operation, prepared by the arrival of many more Rwandan troops, called “Kimya II” (Silence), is underway in South Kivu.

Officially, the operation Kimya II is only conducted by the Congolese (FARDC) soldiers with a logistical support from UN (MONUC) peacekeepers.

However, local Congolese populations have deeply expressed their worries to see among these troops a strong presence of Rwandan (RDF) soldiers, newly arrived, and therefore other than the CNDP soldiers.

As far as the FDLR are concerned, they are determined to defend themselves if they are attacked. However they constantly ask the Congolese soldiers the following questions:

“We have already married your sisters. How can you attack your brothers-in-law, your sisters, your nephews?” We have been welcomed in this country by Laurent Desire Kabila, we fought with you against the RCD, a Rwandan proxy rebellion. We have even saved the life of your current President from the hands of the RPF soldiers in Pweto. How is it possible that you now mistakenly consider us your enemies?”

Long before “Kimya II” operation began, the Congolese population suffered from extensive exactions of the FARDC soldiers: the burning of houses, rapes, and some of the massacres that are officially attributed to the FDLR on a regular basis.

Indeed, for many of the alleged FDLR massacres, strong evidence has proven otherwise.

There are some Congolese soldiers that are poorly paid. There are other Congolese soldiers that are corrupted by the Kigali regime. There also are some Rwandan (RDF) soldiers who have already infiltrated the FARDC. There are several groups of bandits, etc.

Their misdeeds continue to tarnish the FDLR image so that the “Kimya II” operation can continue to receive support from the International Community.

Concerning lootings, one should keep in mind that Rwandan refugees in DRC were used to grow their own crops, had their own livestock and were used to sell their products at several local markets. Now that these refugees are forced to be on a constant run, they are left without any means of survival.

Military operations with hidden goals

Is it possible that the Rwandan (RDF) soldiers, perpetrators of several massacres of Congolese poeple in Kasika, Makobola, Katogota during the invasion war in 1998 can now bring peace to DRC?

Has anyone forgot that on November 6, 2008, more than four hundreds (400) Congolese aged between 14 and 40 were massacred by the Rwandan soldiers led by Laurent Nkunda in Kiwanja, North Kivu?

Obviously, military operations in the eastern provinces of DRC have hidden goals that the Congolese will surely discover in the future.

Under the umbrella of “Umoja wetu” operation, several thousands of Rwandan soldiers entered the Congo. When the operation officially ended in February 2009, only a very small number of these soldiers returned home in Rwanda while thousands joined the CNDP rebels and have been integrated into the FARDC.

A number of witnesses have reported several nocturnal entries of Rwandan soldiers in Bukavu, by the border or across the Kivu Lake. These soldiers soon after their entries take their lead in the forest.

Last year, President Kagame, speaking to the Rwandan youth, Tutsis and Hutus included, who had failed the final exams for their degrees that year, told them:

“Do not get discouraged. The end of school education does not mean the end of life! I will give you some job.”

Soon after the speech, these young man and women have been invited to join the Rwandan army (RDF). They underwent military trainings provided by the American instructors. Upon completion of these accelerated trainings, the young people were immediately sent to the Congo. one group encompassing some Presidential Guards of Paul Kagame, went deeper into the forest. Another group remained in Bukavu.

Their specific mission could not be clearer: kill as many people as possible and put the blame on the FDLR rebels. These slodiers all speak native languages of North and South Kivu.

Thus continues the sinister plan aimed at strengthening the Rwandan military and political presence within all Congolese institutions in order to install the Hima hegemony in this country.

Owing to the fact that many Congolese are prone to corruption, it is much easier to conquer them. Thus, the Machiavellian plan aimed at annexing the eastern Congo to Rwanda inexorably stays on the right path towards its realization.

Conclusion


It is not understandable that one wants to repatriate the Hutu refugees by force, while some of those returnees are now returning back to DRC. One cannot force someone to go home: it is a crime and history will prove it. Rwandan Hutu refugees in Congo would really love to return home, but they cannot be forced to do so, when there is not guarantee for their security and dignity in Rwanda.

Their return that these war operations in North and South Kivu allege to aim at will be achieved not by violence, which is making new victims and displacing people, but by a democratic change in Rwanda. The only solution to restore peace in Rwanda is through an inclusive inter-Rwandan dialogue so that Rwandans at all society levels can discuss the future of their country, just as other people have done so, and build a country where everyone feels free and protected.

The International Community should abstain from supporting perpetuation of crimes against the Hutus worldwide and especially in the eastern provinces of DRC. The Hutu have been equally created by the same God as any other human beings and are therefore entitled to the right to life, the right to claim anything they are entitled to, the right to express themselves and right to receive assistance of any kind.

The International Community should put pressure on the Rwandan government, so that:
- An inclusive inter-Rwandan dialogue can take place, in order to build the country's future in peace;
- A general amnesty be given to all ex-FAR (the army of the previous regime) soldiers and even to every Rwandan so that altogether the Rwandan children can rebuild their country.
- A functioning multiparty system be installed in the country without delay on the eve of the 2010 presidential elections, and that these elections be transparent and free and democratic.

Related Materials:
Letter to the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda Regarding the Prosecution of RPF Crimes

Response to The New Times Article on Rwandan Genocide

Rwanda: Economic Growth Sustained Through Free Labor

Rwandan peasants on the brink of extinction

The US Destructive Role In The Rwandan Tragedy

UN: The Joint Military Operation Against The FDLR Has Failed

Rwandan Hutu Refugees in DRC: Slaves of the 21st Century

Beyond the Myth Ex-FAR/Interahamwe and the Congolese Tragedy

Beyond Ethnic Politics and Fear: Hutu, Tutsi, and Ethnicity in Rwanda